ETHNIC GROUPS AND CLASS IN AN
EMERGING MARKET ECONOMY: SPANIARDS AND MINORCANS
PN LATE COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE
JAMES GREGORY CUSICK
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES
James Gregory Cusick
Dedicated to Marie V. and James G. Cusick,
and Maureen A. Cusick,
Funding for several aspects of this research was provided by the
following organizations. The National Science Foundation, Social Science
Division, Anthropology Program, provided funds toward identification and
analysis of faunal materials (grant #BNS-9003961). The St. Augustine
Historical Society funded the 1991 fieldseason at SA-34-3, one of its properties,
in order that data from this site could be included in the study. Monies from
the Charles H. Fairbanks Scholarship Fund, administered by the Department
of Anthropology, University of Florida, defrayed costs of producing this
dissertation. Teaching and research assistantships were also indispensable, as
was the constant support of the University of Florida's Department of
Anthropology, the Florida Museum of Natural History, and the Division of
If there is a better or more gracious place to do archaeology than St.
Augustine, I have yet to find it. Field work and analysis were made possible
through the dedicated efforts of many institutions and individuals.
Excavations at SA-34-2 were carried out by Vicki Rolland, assistant field
supervisor, and crew members of the St. Augustine Archaeological
Association (Betty Riggan, Margaret Perkins, Jackie Bowman, George Allen,
Richard Todd, Dick Metzler, Charles Tingley, Les Loggin, Dot Miller, and Bud
Moler). Archaeological sites were included in the study with the enthusiastic
approbation of the site property owners: Mr. Fred White of St. Augustine,
Sister Mary Albert and the sisters of the Convent of St. Josephs, the Historic
St. Augustine Preservation Board, the St. Augustine Historical Society, and
the City of St. Augustine. Bruce Piatek and Stanley Bond of the Historical St.
Augustine Preservation Board and Carl Halbirt, City Archaeologist, provided
assistance, lab space, and advice during analysis of curated collections.
Bruce Chappell, archivist, and the staff of the P.K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, and Page Edwards, director, and the staff of the St. Augustine
Historical Society were constant guides during archival and historical
research. Of equal importance was the cooperation of Dr. Jane Landers of the
Department of History, Vanderbilt, Susan Parker of the Historic St. Augustine
Preservation Board, and Sherri Johnson of the University of Florida, all of
whom shared with the author information from their own research on life in
late colonial St. Augustine. Professor Jennifer Schneider, Theater
Department, University of Florida, provided background on eighteenth-
century costume. Special thanks go to Drs. John and Patricia Griffin, who
have provided data, advice, and encouragement throughout this project.
I also gratefully acknowledge the patient and long-suffering work of Dr.
Patricia Foster-Turley, who identified site faunal materials and provided the
baseline data for the study of foodways. I wish her good luck with her otters.
No amount of thanks can truly acknowledge the enormous donation
of time and effort given to me by the members of my doctoral committee: Dr.
Kathleen Deagan, chairperson; Drs. Jerald MiJanich, Elizabeth Wing, Darrett
Rutman, and Murdo MacLeod, members; Bruce Chappell, invited member.
This dissertation presents only a fraction of the overall number of
research projects in historical archaeology which have come to fruition
because of Kathleen Deagan. Kathy communicates to her students her own
passion for the field of Spanish colonial archaeology. Her research in St.
Augustine provided the model, the inspiration, and the foundation for the
current study. I am grateful to Kathy for providing me with careful and
thorough archaeological training, for constant support during my graduate
education, and for the many (many) hours spent overseeing and reviewing
I am indebted to Darrett Rutman for introducing me to the world of
community study and for his astute and objective evaluation of this and
many other manuscripts. I am also most grateful to Jerry Milanich, Elizabeth
Wing, and Murdo MacLeod for helping me integrate the diverse fields of
archaeology, zooarchaeology, and history into a study that, ultimately, says
something about people rather than artifacts.
In addition, Dr. Prudence Rice, an earlier member of the committee,
provided much-needed advice in the early stages of the ceramic analysis, and
Dr. Elizabeth Reitz read early drafts of the chapters on foodways and provided
both editorial suggestions and additional information.
Anyone writing a dissertation gains a new appreciation of the meaning
of friendship. Becky Saunders and Ann Cordell had to listen to more
complaints about cluster analysis than any reasonable person should have to
tolerate. Kate Hoffman, Maurice Williams, George Avery, Donna Ruhl, Judy
Sproles, Greg Smith, and Marsha Chance managed somehow to keep me
grounded during many alternate days of euphoria and angst.
Finally, I reserve my most heartfelt thanks for my mother, father, and
sister, who have seen me through many hard times, and whose only reward
will be to flip through this dissertation before putting it on the coffee table in
the living room. They have always recalled me to the fact that scholarship is
a privilege accorded to a few by the generosity of the many.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES. x
LIST OF FIGURES xiii
1 INTRODUCTION 1
2 CLASS AND ETHNICITY. 11
Social Class. 11
Ethnic Groups 16
The Study of Ethnicity and Assimilation 18
3 OLD COLONY, NEW BEGINNINGS. 24
Early Spanish Exploration 1513-1565 24
First Spanish Period 1565-1763 25
British Period 1763-1783 ..............26
Late Colonial Spanish East Florida 27
Spain and its Late Bourbon Dynasty. 29
The Circum-Caribbean and the Rise of Cuba 31
Florida and the Cuban Model 33
Political Events in Spanish East Florida 36
4 PORTRAIT OF A COMMUNITY:
CULTURE AND CULTURE THEORY
IN A ST. AUGUSTINE CONTEXT. 38
Spaniards and Minorcans. 48
Assimilation or Non-Assimilation?... 61
Documentary Evidence for
Consumerism in St. Augustine 62
Late Colonial Household Sites in St. Augustine 68
A COMPARISON OF SPANISH
AND MINORCAN DRESS 79
Late Eighteenth Century
Costume in Spain and Minorca 80
Spanish and Minorcan Costume in St. Augustine 87
6 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INDICES OF CONSUMER
BEHAVIOR: CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES IN
SECOND SPANISH PERIOD ST. AUGUSTINE. 101
Ceramics as a Data Source 103
Studies of Consumer Behavior 104
Ethnicity and Consumption 113
Governing the Comparison and
Quantification of Ceramic Assemblages 116
Cluster Analysis of Sites. 127
7 TEAWARES, PLATES, AND
UTILITARIAN WARES. 131
Initial Data Analysis: Sherd Counts and Weights 131
Vessel Counts 136
Analysis Based on the Estimated
Minimum Number of Vessels 143
8 ZOOARCHAEOLOGY AS AN
ANTHROPOLOGICAL TOOL 166
General Zooarchaeological Methods: Overview. 173
Background to Colonial Subsistence in
St. Augustine Based on Historic Documents 184
Background to Colonial Subsistence in
St. Augustine Based on Zooarchaeological Data 191
Spanish and Minorcan Diet
in Late Colonial St. Augustine 195
9 ZOO ARCHAEOLOGY OF SPANISH
AND MINORCAN HOUSEHOLDS. 202
Zooarchaeology of Spanish
and Minorcan Households 202
Comparison of the Second
Spanish Period Faunal Assemblages 213
10 JOURNEY'S END 224
A LIBRARY INVENTORIES 235
B OCCUPATIONS IN ST. AUGUSTINE 242
C PRICES FOR VESSEL FORMS IN ST. AUGUSTINE 249
D STATISTICS FOR CERAMIC ANALYSIS 253
E MNI AND BIOMASS DATA
FOR ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSEMBLAGES 261
F ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROVENIENCES
USED IN THIS STUDY. 280
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 318
LIST OF TABLES
4-1 Population of St. Augustine 1786
(Excluding the Garrison) 40
4-2 Free Black and Slave Population of St. Augustine 41
4-3 Non-Spanish Household
Heads Arriving in St. Augustine. 42
4-4 Non-Spanish Immigration
into Spanish East Florida 43
4-5 Distribution of Occupations Across
Some Segments of St. Augustine's
Late Eighteenth-Century Population 49
4-6 Overall Volume of Goods by Major Ports 63
4-7 Food Imported into St. Augustine 1787, 1794, 1803. 65
4-8 Sites and Their Household Heads 69
4-9 Household Size and Socioeconomic Rank 69
5-1 Names and Occupations of Individuals in Sample 90
5-2 The Distribution of Shirts, Breeches,
Pants, Stockings, Ruffles, Cravats, and Gloves 92
5-3 The Distribution of Coats, Waistcoats, Jackets,
and Suits by Year and Socioeconomic Position 94
5-4 Mean Numbers of Shirts,
Breeches, Stockings, and Cravats 96
5-5 Mean Number of Outer Garments. 97
6-1 Categories of Earthenwares Used for St. Augustine. 125
7-1 Sherd Counts and Percentages
for Decorative Ware Categories 133
7-2 Sherd Weights (grams) and Percentages
Percentages for Decorative Ware Categories 134
7-3 Sites Membership in Clusters
Generated from Rim Counts ...140
7-4 The Categories for Flatware,
Teware, and Utilitarian Ceramics. 146
7-5 Teaware Decorative Types ...147
7-6 Plate Decorative Types 148
7-7 Utilitarian Ware Database 149
7-8 Breakdown of Assemblages
by Form/Function Categories 149
8-1 Household Heads, Occupations, and Ethnic
Affiliation of Late Colonial Sites in St. Augustine. 182
8-2 Allometric Values Used for Biomass in This Study
With Size of Sample Used to Generate Constants
for Predicting Biomass (kg) from Bone Weight (kg) 185
8-3 Site Numbers, Occupants, and
Ethnic Affiliation of Eighteenth-
Century First Spanish Period Sites 194
8-4 Taxa of Fish Found Near Minorca and Florida 199
9-1 Faunal Categories by MNI 206
9-2 Faunal Categories by Biomass 207
9-3 Major Species at Second
Spanish Period Sites by MNI 208
9-4 Major Species at Second
Spanish Period Sites by Biomass 209
9-5 Major Species at First
Spanish Period Sites by MNI 210
9-6 Major Species at First
Spanish Period Sites by Biomass. 211
9-7 Measures of Diversity and Equitability
for St. Augustine Faunal Assemblages 212
9-8 Comparison of NISP, MNI, and Diversity for Sites 213
9-9 Identified Skeletal Elements of Chicken 217
9-10 Identified Skeletal Elements of Other Birds... ...218
LIST OF FIGURES
1 1791 map of St. Augustine by Mariano de la Rocque
showing the town, Castillo de San Marco, cultivated
fields to the north, the harbor, surrounding river
systems, and Anastasia Island 28
2 Map of St. Augustine showing the central plaza and
city blocks with the Minorcan Quarter designated by
shading. Based on the 1788 Rocque town plan redrawn
by Marjorie A. Niblack from Griffin (1990) 46
3 The location of the archaeological sites used in this
study. Map based on Rocque 1788 as redrawn by
Marjorie A. Niblack from Griffin (1990) 71
4 Vestir de Militar. Major elements of male military
and civilian dress in late eighteenth-century Spain 84
5 Major elements of male dress on Minorca. Not shown
is the short jacket typically worn in place of a coat. 86
6 Examples of major classes of decorated ceramics.
Cream-colored wares: feather edged, Royal, diamond
motif. Edged: shell edge. Painted: polychrome
floral tea cup, blue on white oriental motif saucer 122
7 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's
method clusters based on rim count data 139
8 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's
method clusters based on teaware vessel counts 153
9 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's
method clusters based on flatware vessel counts 156
10 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's
method clusters based on utilitarian ware
vessel counts I5g
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
ETHNIC GROUPS AND CLASS IN AN EMERGING MARKET ECONOMY:
SPANIARDS AND MINORCANS IN LATE COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE
James Gregory Cusick
Chairperson: Dr. Kathleen A. Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology
The community study has been one of the most prcductive but least
used approaches to the archaeological study of the past. This is especially
ironic because the community study approach offers a framework which
overcomes many of the problems and fulfills most of the goals of
contemporary historical archaeology. It is based in the relationship of people
and locale, it is conducive to the synthesis of documentary and archaeological
data, it can be used in conjunction with hypothesis testing and scientific
method, and it employs a comparative approach which deals with groups of
sites and multiple classes of data.
This approach was used here to study the influence of class and
ethnicity on the material world of colonists in late colonial Spanish St.
Augustine. The relative importance that peoples' socioeconomic position
and ethnic affiliation had on their material lives has been an issue of great
controversy in historical archaeology. In general, there is evidence that
ethnic groups can be distinguished based on material culture but that
distinctions often disappear with upward mobility.
This dissertation focused on two groups from St. Augustine circa 1784-
1821. The Spaniards were drawn predominantly from the urban, middle-class
strata of Cuba. The Minorcans were peasant farmers, fisherfolk, and artisans,
originally brought to Florida by the British to serve as indentured servants.
Archaeological assemblages and probate records were employed to compare
the material culture of households in both groups and answer a simple
question: Was the material life of these households more similar within
ethnic groups or across socioeconomic strata?
Results demonstrated that the relation between ethnic affiliation and
material culture varied depending on the type of material culture. Costume,
as represented in probate records, followed well -delineated Spanish and
Minorcan traditions. Archaeological ceramic assemblages, on the other hand,
were largely reflective of household socioeconomic position. Diet at
Minorcan households changed noticeably with rising affluence.
Thus, ethnicity influenced peoples' physical world but the influence
tended to decrease with mobility. This implies that processes of ethnic
cohesion and assimilation apparent in twentieth century life were also in
operation two hundred years ago.
This study in historical archaeology revolves around the concept of a
town as a community. Its intent is three-fold: (1) to continue the archaeology
of Spanish St. Augustine by extending archaeological research into the so far
uncharted territory of the late colonial, or Second Spanish, period (1784-1821);
(2) to examine the ways in which late colonial conditions helped both to
maintain and alter Spanish colonial patterns evident from the archaeology of
St. Augustine in the early eighteenth century; and, (3) to test, from the
perspective of historical archaeology, theories about the persistence or
assimilation of ethnic groups in a multicultural milieu, using data gathered
from probate records and archaeological assemblages of this late colonial
Spanish American town.
It is also an invitation to readers to visit the town of St. Augustine in
the period of Spanish rule between 1784 and 1821. Unlike many works on the
Spanish colonization of Florida, this is not a voyage into an unknown era to
see explorers, conquistadores. or missionaries in their encounters with native
American peoples. Rather it is a journey to what might seem surprisingly
familiar: a community on the edge of modernity. By the late eighteenth
century, St. Augustine was a small seaport caught between worlds-between
the modern and pre-modern, the Spanish-American and the Anglo-
American. Its creolized residents were engaged in occupations recognizable to
twentieth-century observers. People made their living through fishing,
planting commercial crops, keeping shops and taverns, government
administration, and shipping, as well as through a host of trades in baking,
barrel-making, blacksmithing, carpentry, cobbling, masonry, and tailoring.
Although they lived in a minor Spanish possession, residents of St.
Augustine led lives touched by the momentous political events of the day:
the birth of the United States, the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars,
the French invasion of Spain, and the forced abdication of the Spanish
monarchy. The science of the times might have struck modern visitors as
archaic, but the educated in St. Augustine were familiar with Buffon's theory
of catastrophism in natural history, Priestley's work on transpiration in
plants (which led to the discovery of oxygen), and Fourier's mathematical
formulas explaining the conduction of heat through solids. In their dress
both the rich and poor probably resembled the subjects depicted in sketches
and paintings by Spanish artist Francisco Goya or American artist Charles
Willson Peale-both their contemporaries. A period that opened in frockcoat
and breeches would close with a fashion shift to tailcoat and trousers. This
study is a guide into a community that was neither modern nor pre-modern,
but transitional between the two.
Other researchers have already marked the signposts for our intended
journey. St. Augustine has a rich historiography in social history,
ethnography, and archaeology. Its evolution from the sixteenth centurv
onwards has been chronicled in Eugene Lyon's The Enterprise of Florida
(1976), Elizabeth Reitz' and Margaret Scarry's Reconstructing Historic
Subsistence with an Example from Sixteenth-Century Spanish Florida (1985),
Amy Bushnell's The King's Coffer (1981), Albert Manucy's The Houses of St.
Augustine (1978), and Kathleen Deagan's Spanish St. Aug ustine: Thp
Archaeology of a Coloni al Creole Community (1983), as well as in dozens of
articles and site reports written by the many scholars who have worked in the
Our route takes us into the core of the late eighteenth- and early
nineteenth-century town, along a line of archaeological excavations that
cross-cut the colonial community. This trip may necessitate detours-
ancillary excursions into documentary sources that give us details about ship
cargos off-loaded at dock, price structures of goods, or the household
inventories of those who died intestate. But in all things we will follow our
main road, our "avenue of inquiry" (Deagan 1982), that leads to the heart of
our topic, to the archaeology of two ethnic groups-the Spaniards and the
Minorcans-and what this archaeology can tell us about class, ethnicity, and
cultural process in late colonial St. Augustine.
It is questions about assimilation that form our "avenue of inquiry"
through St. Augustine. Were peoples' lives more similar by virtue of ethnic
background, or social class, or other factors? A focus on ethnicity and class
centers this study in the concerns of broader research within Spanish
American history, sociology, and anthropology. As such, the study addresses
the much debated emergence of new, class-based societies in late eighteenth-
century Spanish America (Anderson 1988; Brading 1973; Chance and Taylor
1977; McAllister 1963; Morner 1983); it contributes to our understanding of
ethnic group versus class formation under early market economies
(Bjorklund 1986; Braudel 1981; Comaroff 1987; Hopkins and Wallerstein 1982;
Wallerstein 1974, 1979); and it furthers the literature on ethnic cohesion and
assimilation (Barth 1969; Crispano 1980; Dobratz 1988; Engelbrektsson 1986;
Glazer and Moynihan 1963, 1975; Gordonl964, 1975; Spicer 1971, 1972).
Of particular importance for starting our journey is Deagan's Spanish
St. Augustine. Published in 1983, it set forth to "depict and interpret patterns
of eighteenth-century Spanish colonial life, using information from a
number of fields (archaeology, history, geography, architecture, and
zooarchaeology), but synthesized and interpreted in an archaeological
framework" (Deagan 1983: 5). In doing so, it became one of the first and most
successful attempts to write a "community study" within the field of
Journeys require itineraries, and community study is to be ours. The
concept of community is an old one in social science. Poplin (1979: 3-8),
reviewing the etymology of the term in sociology, suggested three common
usages: 1) community as a synonym for an affiliation of people; 2)
community as a moral or spiritual ideal of human organization; and 3)
community as a unit of social and territorial organization, defined by a
geographical area, interaction, and common ties. Many community studies
in social history have followed the second usage and have sought in past
times for that ideal sense of belonging said to be lost in modern times (see
Rutman 1973, 1980) But it is the third usage-community as social unit-that
informs the work of the Rutmans in history (Rutman and Rutman 1984), of
sociologists interested in network systems or network analysis (see Powell
1991: 270-272; Wellman 1982; Wellman and Berkowitz 1988), and of most
anthropologists and archaeologists. Arensberg and Kimball, in Culture and
Community (1965: 1-7), characterized community study as fulfilling two
purposes. First, they said, it seeks to understand the role of "community" by
examining how people organize their societies in different cultures, places,
and times. Second, it uses communities as case histories, or social
laboratories, in which to study the various phenomena of culture.
Both the concept of community as ideal and of community as social
unit continue side by side. In social history, for instance, Isaac's The
Transformation of Virgina 1740-1790 (1982: 1) tried to define what constituted
the essence of eighteenth-century social identity by reconstructing the "alien
mentality of a past people." More often, however, community study has
come to mean the study of a locale and people with reference to material
conditions of life. Wallace in Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village
in the Early Industrial Revolution (1978) undertook a study of mill economy,
censuses, class structure, and settlement pattern to determine how technology
affected nineteenth-century American culture and worldview. In A Place in
Time (1984), a study of Middlesex County, Virginia, between 1650 and 1750,
the Rutmans focused on how demography, economy, and other factors
altered a community's structure over time (see Rutman and Rutman 1984;
Rutman 1980, 1986: 165-166).
Community study, as applied in archaeology, has adopted the material
framework of the Rutmans rather than the concerns with worldview and
mentality addressed by Isaac. Indeed, the use of quantitative methods and an
increasing interest in material aspects of life-geography, demography,
economy—have united the fields of history and archaeology in many cases
(Deagan 1988; Whittenburgh 1983). The bridge between the disciplines is
implicit in statements such as those by Darrett Rutman: "Allow me to
suggest that historians' efforts to characterize early American life should not
be directed by an assumption about the mind of Anglo-America and its small
communities but by the broad social processes underway to which those
communities— or at least the studies of them— testify" (1986: 172).
Whatever discipline they are used in— anthropology, history, or
archaeology-community studies have become powerful mechanisms for
integrating diverse fields of data into in-depth case histories of past societies.
For this reason, community study has been frequently recommended as a
research strategy ideally suited to the needs of historical archaeology (Cleland
1988; Deagan 1983; Schuyler 1988). By definition, historical archaeology is a
cross-disciplinary field, characterized by access to multiple sources of data
about the past and a strong anthropological perspective (Deagan 1982; McKay
1975; Schiffer 1988). The community study approach in historical archaeology
generally has been taken to mean a study of a town or other small settlement
at the household level, using numerous households, with information on
the occupants compiled both from documents-maps, censuses, tax records,
wills— and from excavation. The sites of historic towns and settlements,
researched in such a manner, would seem to offer unique opportunities as
"social laboratories" (Arensberg and Kimball 1965) As recently as 1988,
community studies were recognized as one of the most productive strategems
for research in historical archaeology (Cleland 1988: 16; Schuyler 1988: 40-41).
Despite this, only a handful of historical archaeologists have pursued the
community study approach: Deagan (1983) on St. Augustine; Geismar (1982)
on rural blacks in Skunk Hollow, New Jersey; Lewis (1987) on frontier sites in
South Carolina; Hardesty (1988) on railroad encampments in Nevada; and
(Pyszczyk 1989) on fur trading stations in western Canada.
These studies all have common features, particularly in their attitude
toward the written and archaeological record. In virtually all cases, they have
used documentary data as a basis for establishing hypotheses about cultural
processes to be tested through archaeology (Deagan 1982; Gorman 1982: 67).
Some also employed documents, in part, to collect data and focused on those
portions of the written record most concerned with material culture,
especially probate records and inventories (Bowen 1978; Bragdon 1988a;
Geismar 1982; Pyszczyk 1989; Yentsch 1983). Recent publications under the
headings of "documentary" or "text-aided" archaeology have reemphasized
the need for historical archaeology to have an interdisciplinary grounding in
archival research as well as excavation (Beaudry 1989; Little 1992).
Increasingly, researchers have incorporated information from store
inventories, probate records, account books, and day books into archaeological
comparisons of material culture and assemblages. Archives and archaeology
provide historical archaeology with a more holistic concept of the role of
material things in daily life (Little 1992: 4).
It is such integration and synthesis of archival and archaeological data
which is a hallmark of community study. Through access to a broad range of
data, an archaeologist's inquiry into the past can achieve the kind of depth
and scope that an anthropologist acquires when writing the ethnography of a
living community. Gorman (1982) has correctly noted that a reliance on
documents restricts community studies to sites with historical records; but it
also opens to archaeologists the means to address basic anthropological issues
about the past, particularly questions concerning social class, distribution of
wealth, ethnicity, acculturation, and assimilation. In the present case, for
instance, it is an indisputable advantage that the ethnic groups under study
are self-described in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century documents. As
discussed in the next chapter, documentary evidence for ethnicity removes
many impediments that have plagued previous archaeological studies of
This study, therefore, has one additional objective: to synthesize
documentary and archaeological information on late colonial society in St.
Augustine and construct a more complete ethnography of the period than
could be achieved by emphasizing only archival or only excavated materials.
A wealth of documentary sources and histories aid our investigation.
Unlike sources for earlier periods in Spanish Florida, the archive of materials
for the period 1784 to 1821 is extensive. It includes a vast official
correspondence as well as basic government records organized into bundles
according to the filing system used by the Spanish colonial administration.
The originals have been housed, since 1905, at the Library of Congress, but are
available as the East Florida Papers (EFP) on microfilm at the P.K. Yonge
Library of Florida History at the University of Florida. Selected papers
concerning two of the most important aspects of colonial life, politics and
trade, have been translated and published in Lockey (1949) and Whitaker
(1931), respectively. A brief summary of the most important documents are:
official correspondence between the governor, his superiors, and various
departments (EFP Bundles 44-78, Reels 17-30; EFP Bundles 81-111, Reels 31-42);
papers on military affairs, public works, and surveying (EFP Bundles 117-210,
Reels 44-90; papers on events in Louisiana, West Florida, and East Florida
(EFP Bundles 112-116, Reels 42-44); the treasury accounts (EFP Bundles 79-81,
Reel 30; EFP Bundles 211-212, Reel 90); the registers of shipping arrivals and
departures (EFP Bundles 214-258, Reels 91-109); public contracts (EFP Bundles
280-282, Reels 119-121); criminal proceedings (EFP Bundles 283-296, Reels 121-
130); testamentary proceedings (EFP Bundles 301-319, Reels 134-146b); census
returns (EFP Bundle 323a, Reel 148); civil proceedings (EFP Bundles 329-349,
Reels 150-164); as well as other documents relating to slavery, relations with
native Americans, proclamations, oaths of allegiance, and transfers of
property (for more complete information see Manning 1930: 392-397, and the
Calender of the East Florida Papers, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida).
Due to ongoing research by historians in these archives for the past
decade, historiography on late colonial Spanish Florida is also extensive. In
addition to recent overviews of the period (Poitrineau 1988; Weber 1992),
there are histories on most segments of the population: free and slave blacks
(Landers 1988a), Minorcans (Griffin 1988, 1990; Quinn 1975; Rasico 1987, 1990),
Spanish Americans (Johnson 1989a, 1989b; Tanner 1989), and Anglo-
Americans (Parker 1990).
Within this study, documentary sources-primary and secondary—are
used within an archaeological framework. The research presented here is
based on a detailed analysis of ceramic assemblages and faunal remains at six
sites, representing households of different ethnic affiliations and income.
These sites represent about one percent of the Minorcan and Spanish settlers
in St. Augustine. They are, in other words, a small sample. Documentary
sources, however, enable us to evaluate the sample fairly critically.
Documentation is used, as it has often been used in historical archaeology, to
establish the controls and generate the hypotheses for an anthropological
inquiry into the past.
Primary and secondary sources provide information on demography,
occupations, residential patterns, distribution of wealth, household size, and
other variables. Through such information, we can make better assessment
as to the representativeness of our sample. Primary documents also provide
background information on material life. Sources of data on material culture
(shipping records, probates, store inventories) augment our knowledge of
what archaeology tells us about material culture and the flow of commodities
in a late colonial economic system.
Finally it should be said that this study does archaeology "the old
fashioned way," that is, with a materialist perspective, a commitment to the
scientific method, and a concern for study of cultural process. To say there
have been many criticisms of this position would be an understatement. Yet
despite constant advocacy for a "post-processual" archaeology, this author
believes with Cleland: "Given that the scientific method is not the only way
of achieving insight and that it is not immune from subjectivity nor
invulnerable to covert cultural agendas, it is still, in the context of dealing
with material things, the best hope we have for collective progress ... in
terms of the systematic and cumulative acquisition of knowledge" (1988: 14).
This is the perspective of the archaeological community study.
"Community study has perhaps best assured in modern social science
research execution of two imperatives of all science: that hypothesis be built
from empirical perception . . . and that generalization be checked by a return
to it" (Arensberg and Kimball 1965: 11). For late colonial St. Augustine,
archaeology offers the best means of gaining specific household level data on
daily life. Yet it is only through the wide lens of history that we can embed
individuals in their broader cultural environment. Through the synthesis of
archaeology and history that we have some hope of ending our journey in
the general vicinity of truth. The following study is therefore based in certain
principles. First, it employs the community study approach as offering the
best means by which one can "effectively integrate independent documentary
and archaeological data to produce otherwise unobtainable results" (Deagan
1988: 8). Second, it adopts a comparative approach to the study of ethnicity,
focusing primarily on whether social class or ethnic affiliation were more
influential in shaping the material life of the subjects. Third, it addresses
issues of culture process through a scientific and materialist perspective.
CLASS AND ETHNICITY
The current chapter lays the groundwork for the rest of this study by
introducing the concepts of social class and ethnicity and defining them in a
context that is relevant for late colonial Spanish American culture. Much of
the analysis undertaken in this study focuses on a consideration of these two
social phenomena and their relation to material culture. Unfortunately, the
terms "class" and "ethnic group" have suffered much abuse in archaeology,
often being confused with "social status/' "estate," and other like concepts.
The two terms are also embedded in modern usage and therefore present the
illusion of needing no explanation. In fact, the opposite is true. We must
lose our common-place preconceptions about what constitutes social class or
ethnic groups in favor of definitions based both in social science and in the
context of eighteenth-century social organization. The social hierarchy of the
Spanish colonial period was based on different criteria to modern society and
it will be the task of this chapter to elucidate these criteria. In addition,
attention is given to the archaeological investigation of ethnicity and the
problems it has confronted.
The first major division of late colonial society was that of social class.
The social hierarchy of Spanish America was in a period of transition
throughout the eighteenth century as it evolved from an earlier system of
estates. The hierarchy of St. Augustine must be seen against this background.
The preeminent view of social class-one that has become ingrained in
twentieth-century consciousness-centers on the class system defined by Karl
Marx: the proletariat or working class; the bourgeoisie, or middle and
professional classes; and the owner/landlord class, the capitalists. These
classes, according to Marx, formed from the division of labor and the
relationships to the means of production into which people are born. 'The
separate individuals form a class only in so far as they have to carry on a
common battle against another class. On the other hand, the class in its turn
achieves an independent existence over against the individuals, so that the
latter find the conditions of existence predestined, and hence have their
positions in life and their personal development assigned to them by their
class [and] become subsumed under it" (Marx  1984: 132).
Marx and his successors grounded the basis of this class structure in the
Industrial Revolution. Indeed, in a widely acclaimed study of the English
working class, the British historian E.P. Thompson noted that even in Great
Britain, the forerunner of world industrial powers, a self-aware working class
did not come into existence until the 1820s, when artisans and laborers began
to understand their social position viz a viz industrialists and government
(Thompson 1966:711-712). This occurred only at the end of the time period
under consideration here and in a society far more industrialized than Spain
or Spanish America. Even at the end of the Spanish colonial period, the
social hierarchy was still based to some degree in legal and corporate
privileges that dated from feudal times (McAlister 1963:363). This earlier
conception of class was based in several notions: one's estate, and its
accompanying privileges as derived from medieval social hierachy; one's
occupation; and one's wealth. In Spanish America, it included another
criterion— race—which was of more or less importance depending on locale.
In preindustrial societies, as one Marxist has put it, "economic and legal
categories [were] objectively and substantially so interwoven as to be
inseparable" (Lukacs 1968:57).
This observation was especially true for social class in Spanish
America. The elements of social class in the Spanish colonies were many and
complicated. Wealth was the key to privilege, but it was not the sole
determinant of status. In the Spain of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a
person's rank in society depended in part on a hierarchy of estates. These
estates derived from functional categories of the Middle Ages, defensores,
oratores, and laboratores, which translated into nobles, ecclesiasts, and
commoners (McAlister 1963:350). The nobles were originally a functional
group-the feudal lords and knights who defended the land-but by the
sixteenth century much of this function had disappeared. Moreover, the old
nobility combined more and more of its lower ranks with the upper strata of
commoners: merchants, lawyers, physicians, and professional people with
university degrees (McAlister 1963:352). This group formed an estate by
possession of hidalguia or nobility, an economically valuable asset as hidalg os
were not subject to taxation or prosecution for debt. Ecclesiasts formed a
separate estate but one which was generally linked to the nobility. The
commoners included shopkeepers, artisans, soldiers, farmers, and herders.
These estates were not purely economic in character, but rather were
defined by a broad range of legal privilege and social obligation. At the peak
were those aspiring to nobility, or hi dalguia, which "was as much a set of
attitudes as it was a matter of lineage" (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 4). By the
eighteenth century, "full economic success in almost any branch of life
created nobility, and the nobles old and new all adhered to the same patterns.
Mastery of the martial arts, horsemanship, and literacy were expected. . . . The
noble married a woman of high lineage; ... he maintained a large
establishment of relatives, retainers, and servants .... The goal was to 'live
nobly' from rents and herds without daily activity in trade" (Lockhart and
Schwartz 1983: 4-5). Birth was one route to nobility, but it could also be gained
by practice of a profession-theology, law, or medicine.
Intermixed with the nobles were the upper strata of the commoners,
the great merchants, letrados, clerics, and medicos. Although these
occupations differed considerably in economic terms, they carried a legal and
social acknowledgment of status and therefore accorded privilege (Morner
1983). "Pride in birth and its accompanying privilege rather than substantial
means separated most Spaniards from the remainder of the population"
(Burkholder and Johnson 1990:188).
Even soldiers, merchants, and artisans could claim some degree of
privilege by membership in a functional corporation, such as the army or a
guild. Another whole occupational strata-servants and retainers-were
dependents of the nobility. Below all of these was the peasantry.
When Spanish culture was transferred to the New World, this old
system was modified into a new one, encompassing colonial Spaniards, the
Indians they conquered, Africans brought to the Americas as part of the slave
trade, and the new intermediate ranks of castas, , or people of mixed heritage.
Hence, a concept of race was incorporated into the old system (Morner 1983;
Lockhart 1984). In the Spanish American heartland, the social hierarchy,
from top to bottom, was Spaniards, castas, free blacks, Indians, and black
slaves (McAlister 1963; Lockhart and Schwartz 1983). This social hierarchy
formed the official basis for assigning rank and privilege in colonial society.
In reality, it was further complicated by what was called "passing" the ability
to move from one estate to another by reason of marriage, wealth, or other
means. The chief distinction was between Spaniard and Indian, and many
castas were eventually accepted as "Spanish."
In the eighteenth century "passing" became so common that most
historians believe the old estate system was being replaced by a new
economically based hierarchy, with wealth as the chief criterion of who was
noble and who was not. Notably, the use of the terms "don" and "dona",
once the exclusive province of the nobility, became more generally applied
(Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 317). One of the most salient but controversial
aspects of eighteenth-century life in the Spanish Americas was the gradual
replacement of a social hierarchy based on ascribed status-peninsular
Spaniards, Spanish American Creoles, mestizos, mulattos, blacks, Indians—
with a hierarchy in which income raised some peoples' rank while lowering
that of others (Burkholder and Lyman 1990; Lockhart 1984; Lockhart and
Schwartz 1983; Morner 1967).
How far this transition had proceeded is unclear but recent research on
colonial Mexico has suggested it was well underway. A study of society in
Guanajuato, a Mexican mining town, found that late colonial society was still
principally divided according to traditional estates (Brading 1973). Yet at the
same time in Oaxaca in the 1790s there was clearly an emergence of classes
based on socioeconomic position. More than half of American-born
Spaniards, the Creoles, supported themselves as low-grade artisans, despite
the high-status that would be accorded to them by their estate (Chance and
Taylor 1977). Another study, from Guadalajara in 1821 at the end of the
colonial period, found that poor Spaniards and poor Indians lived similar
lives in similar sectors of the city (Anderson 1988).
Social class, when used in relationship to late colonial times in Spanish
America, may thus bear the connotation "socioeconomic position," since it
was a shifting combination of both old statuses and new wealth which
opened the route to membership in the elite.
"Ethnicity" is a twentieth-century term and concept and can, in the
modern sense, designate large, even national, groups of people (Glazer and
Moynihan 1975). This connotation of ethnicity has come to us largely
through the screen of nationalism, industrial enterprise, and the welfare state
(Glazer and Moynihan 1975: 4-17). In the case of eighteenth-century society,
however, we are dealing with ethnic groups in a more traditional and
delimited sense, a preindustrial form of social organization, consisting of a
relatively small group of people, usually located in one geographical place,
such as a city barrio, who shared a sense of common origin expressed in
religion, language, and history (Bell 1975: 169).
Many definitions of modern ethnic groups emphasize the importance
of affective ties between members of the group; that is, ethnic groups express a
conscious advocacy of common origins and shared values (Dobratz 1988;
Engelbrektsson 1986; Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Kelly and Kelly 1980). The
emphasis placed on affective ties and the advocacy of self-identity has been a
constant trip-wire for archaeologists studying ethnicity. The difficulty, of
course, is that much of the definition relates to people's self-conception or
attitude, something untraceable through material culture and archaeological
patterning. Other definitions, which place less emphasis on advocacy, are
better suited to the study of preindustrial groups. Talcott Parsons described
ethnic groups as types of fiduciary association combining family and
community in mutual obligations: " a group [whose] members
. . . have, both with respect to their own sentiments and those of non-
members, a distinctive identity which is rooted in some kind of distinctive
sense of history" (Parsons 1975: 56). For Greeley and McCready, "an ethnic
group is a large collectivity, based on presumed common origin, which is, at
least on occasion, part of a self-definition of a person, and which also acts as a
bearer of cultural traits" (1975: 210). A particularly apt definition is offered by
Engelbrektsson in a study of a modern self-contained, urban community of
Greeks in the Swedish city of Boras: "Ethnicity is to a great extent a matter of
upholding a functioning borderline between people considered to be one kind
versus people considered to be another kind. The differentiation as to kinds
is mainly accounted for in terms of separate origins" (1986: 148). When
assessing whether a group in the past can properly be called an "ethnic"
group, one should look for evidence of common origins and culture,
endogamy, and boundaries— whether they be physical, like the streets of a
town, or social, like marriage patterns-that demarcate the group from a larger
or more inclusive society. Common food preferences or material culture is
not sufficient to impute ethnicity to a group; these things may indeed be
incorporated into group ethnicity, but other types of information, such as
spatial formation of neighborhoods (Brastner and Martin 1987; Hardesty 1988)
and data on group marriage patterns, social networks, and professed values
are equally important (Crispano 1980; Dobratz 1988; Engelbrektsson 1986).
Common origins and culture, endogamy, and boundaries both social
and physical are the criteria that will be used to establish the existence of
ethnic groups in this study. If such criteria were applied to an earlier period
of Spanish American history, they might well be inappropriate. As noted
above, colonial Spanish America developed a social hierarchy based in part
on traditional social ranking in Spain and in part by the intermixture of
peoples in the New World (Burkholder and Johnson 1990; Lockhart and
Schwartz 1983). For much of the colonial period, a person's position in
Spanish American society was strongly influenced by his or her estate, a
combination of race, genealogy, regionalism, social behavior, and income. By
the late eighteenth century, however, this system of social rank was breaking
down. In St. Augustine, it was more characteristic of the First rather than the
Second Spanish Period. St. Augustine between 1784 and 1821 was a colonial
Spanish port town and its character derived as much from being a port as
from being Spanish. Like other ports, it acted as a magnet for diverse settlers
from around Europe and the Americas and its population was multilingual
and multicultural. For this reason, criteria on ethnicity drawn largely from
studies of immigrant, urban populations are deemed to be relevant.
This study follows other recent works of historical archaeology that
deal with ethnicity by relying on documentary evidence to identify ethnic
groups. The criteria of social and physical cohesion and common origins and
culture do indeed delimit one group of people from another. It will be
admitted that defining ethnic groups in this manner is an inference; but it is
an inference based on abundant evidence.
The Study of Ethnicity and Assim ilation
Ethnic identity and ethnic groups hold continuing fascination for
American social scientists, in part because their persistence on the American
scene contradicts the age-old aphorism that the United States is a "melting
pot" in which different peoples merge into one. In a classic volume of essays,
Ethnicity: Theory and Experience , Glazer and Moynihan noted with various
authors that ethnicity has become an indelible part of the modern American
character (1975: 4-5). They also recognized that twentieth-century ethnic
groups are recent versions of much older social forms originating in pre-
industrial times. "As such," they maintained, " the hope of doing without
ethnicity in a society . . . may be as Utopian and questionable an enterprise as
the hope of doing without social classes" (1975: 5).
The issue of why ethnic groups form, why some persist, and why
others assimilate has received constant attention from leading thinkers in the
social sciences. Within social history, theorists on early capitalism have
argued that ethnic groups are prone to assimilation whenever it means a rise
in status. This has been a tenet of Immanuel Wallerstein, whose model of
world society is based heavily on Marxism and the dependency theory of
Andre Gunder Frank (1967). For Wallerstein (1974), it is social class, not
ethnicity, that ultimately determines who and what a person is in society.
Under capitalism, ethnic groups are divisive agents, essentially pitting lower
and middle classes against each other instead of against the property-owning
class (Wallerstein 1979: 181-187). Within this framework, minorities with
some degree of status "strive to break down remaining discriminatory
barriers [and] prevent incursions into their privilege by lower status groups.
One major mode of defense is their own assimilation into the dominant
ethnic group, and it is frequently pursued" (Wallerstein 1979: 187).
Other theorists have emphasized ethnic groups as participants in
capitalism, rather than its dupes. Fernand Braudel, an influential theorist in
social history, noted the close correlation of ethnic minorities with various
occupations or professions in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth
centuries. Control of trade circuits was often in the hands of such minorites,
whether defined by nationality or religion (Braudel 1982: 165). He concluded
that group cohesion provided members with crucial social networks and
helped them to maintain control over investments and commercial
enterprises (Braudel 1982: 164-165). Ethnic minorities also provided a means
for transferring capital or technical knowledge from one country to another.
Hence, England harbored Huguenot cloth-makers in the sixteenth century
(Scouloudi 1987) and Cuba welcomed French sugar planters and commercial
agents from Saint Domingue and Louisiana in the eighteenth (Knight
1970:13). As minorities, and often foreigners, immigrant groups were subject
to punitive or disciminatory legislation (Scouloudi 1987). Yet assimilation
did not guarantee security. A case in point were converso Jews in Spain.
Though they escaped expulsion in the sixteenth century, they afterwards
became targets of the Inquisition (Contreras 1992: 193-223). When
assimilation offered no benefits, cohesion as a ethnic group may have proved
a better strategy for survival.
In archaeology, the study of ethnic groups has covered three basic
interests: cultural histories of minorities left out of mainstream American
history; studies of ethnic boundaries; and studies of acculturation and
assimilation. These distinctions are artificial, however, as most studies
address at least two and usually all three of these concerns (Baker 1980;
Deagan 1983; Deetz 1977; Geismar 1982; Greenwood 1980, 1991; Hardesty 1988;
Henry 1987; McGuire 1983; Otto 1977, 1984; Pyszczyk 1989; Singleton 1985, 1988;
Staski 1987; see also McGuire 1982). In all cases, definitions of ethnicity have
emphasized similar themes: (1) that people coalesce into ethnic groups when
they face competition from some larger group; (2) that ethnicity provides
common ground, or a strong emotional tie, for pursuing group interests; and,
(3) that the basis of the tie is an emphasis on identity based in cultural origins
of region, language, and religion (Barth 1969; Bell 1975: 169; Greeley and
MacCready 1975; Horvath 1983: 23; McGuire 1982: 160; Spicer 1971, 1972).
Even with broad consensus on what defines ethnic groups, however,
the archaeological investigation of ethnicity has been fraught with frustration
and controversy. In prehistory, the problem has stemmed from trying to
correlate archaeological materials with specific linguistic or genealogical
groups. In the absence of documents, this has proven exceedingly difficult
Investigations of ethnicity in historical archaeology have often
encountered the same obstacles as those in prehistory. Drawing on the work
of the anthropologist Edward Spicer, numerous researchers have
recommended that historical archaeologists devise a method for identifying
so-called ethnic boundaries in the archaeological record (Kelly and Kelly 1980;
McGuire 1982). Spicer observed that both cultural and ethnic groups
sometimes distinguished themselves from others by using material culture-
clothing, ornamentation, residential patterns-to demarcate a spatial or
symbolic boundary between members of the group and nonmembers (Spicer
1971). This has led to conjecture that such "boundaries" might be evident in
the distribution or patterning of artifacts and material culture at sites. In
trying to identify ethnic boundaries, however, historical archaeologists have
frequently found that the links between peoples' material culture and their
cultural identity are far from clear. Indeed, Spicer, in his writings on culture
change, pinpointed the difficulty: "Under some circumstances material
culture items were replaced or changed rapidly while little else changed, but
in other situations social structure and religions changed rapidly while
material culture underwent small change" (Spicer 1962: 542). Recent studies
have underscored the dilemma. For instance, Bragdon (1988b), in a study of
native Americans in Natick and Nantucket, used probate records to compare
what people owned with how they lived. Although the farming community
of Natick had a more traditional material culture, it was in Nantucket that
other aspects of native American culture—language, religion, and political
hierarchy-persisted for the longer period of time (Bragdon 1988b: 130-131).
McGuire, in a study of Mexican- and Anglo-Americans in nineteenth-century
Tucson, could find no correlation between material life and ethnic affiliations
Ui er studies have focused less on identifying specific material
correlates to ethnic boundaries and concentrated instead on processes of
culture change: what factors influence the way people live and how new
cultural groups emerge out of old ones. These questions have been the
provenance for studies of acculturation, ethnogenesis, and assimilation.
Acculturation and ethnogenesis studies have focused mostly on culture
change when different societies come into contact with one another (Deagan
1983; Ewen 1988; Foster 1960). Closely related to this are studies of
assimilation, which often are concerned with the behavior of different groups
living in the same community. As might be expected, there is considerable
overlap between this research and the community study approach. Major
substantive contributions include the study of mestizaje in eighteenth-
century St. Augustine (Deagan 1983), of Chinese enclaves in nineteenth
century California (Greenwood 1980), of Mexican- Anglo relations in pre-
railroad Texas (Staski 1987), and of purchasing patterns among fur-trappers of
the.Northwest (Pyszczyk 1989). As opposed to studies of ethnic boundaries-
which too often have focused on members of a single group and their
material culture—research on assimilation has been based in a comparative
analysis which looks simultaneously at two or more groups within a
community, a method that has long been advocated (Horvath 1983: 24).
These studies are also less concerned with identifying ethnic groups from
archaeological criteria; rather, they use documentary information to pinpoint
groups for study and then examine the interrelationship between ethnicity,
distribution of wealth, and assimilation. In this, again, they are extremely
amenable to the community study approach. "Assimilation studies," noted
McGuire (1982: 162), "have formed a major facet of anthropological and
sociological investigation for several decades and in them historical
archaeology has come closest to realizing its anthropological potential."
The approach in this study is to determine whether an ethnicity well-
marked in documentary evidence is also evident in material culture by
comparing categories of data from households representing both different
ethnic groups and different socioeconomic positions. The next chapters take
us through a brief history of the late colonial period in St. Augustine, describe
the town's population, and focus on the two groups and the archaeological
sites that will be compared.
OLD COLONY, NEW BEGINNINGS
The late colonial period in St. Augustine lasted for only 37 years (1784-
1821). It was separated temporally from the earlier period of Spanish
colonization by a twenty year interval of British rule. Late colonial society
was built in part on Spanish cultural traditions that developed in Florida circa
1650 to 1763, in part by changes introduced by the British between 1763 and
1784, and in part by developments in Spain and the Caribbean after 1780. This
chapter presents a general overview of the First Spanish and British Periods
in Florida and then a more specific chronology of late colonial history.
Early Spanish Exploration 1513-1565
Spanish attempts to settle Florida commenced soon after Columbus'
voyages to the New World. The expeditions of Ponce de Leon, Diego
Miruelo, and Alvarez de Pineda occupied the period 1513-1521, and by 1520
Spaniards were already raiding Florida to capture native Americans for the
slave trade (Smith and Gottlob 1978: 1-2). This was followed by attempts at
conquest and settlement by Ayllon and Narvaez in the 1520s, de Soto in 1539,
and Tristan de Luna in 1559 (Hudson, Depratter, and Smith 1989; Milanich
1990; Milanich and Hudson 1993). When Pedro Menendez de Aviles
destroyed a French settlement and established St. Augustine and Santa Elena
in 1565, Spain obtained its first permanent hold on the region (Chaney and
Deagan 1989; Deagan 1983; Lyon 1976, 1989, 1990, 1992; South 1892, 1983).
First Spanish Period 1565-1763
The next two centuries witnessed a gradual evolution of La Florida
into a society consisting of two major estates— Indian and Spanish. There
were repeated uprisings by native peoples endeavoring to counter Spanish
rule, but throughout the seventeenth century the native population was
reorganized and resettled in an extensive mission system. In the missions,
many traditional aspects of native life continued, but native groups were
subject to labor drafts and to Spanish political hegemony (Hoffman 1993: 16-
20). The economy was based in agriculture, ranching, and royal subsidy
(Hahn 1988; Reitz 1990; Ruhl 1990; Saunders 1990; Thomas 1990).
St. Augustine functioned as administrative center, coast guard, border
patrol, and trading post for the colony. Spain provided an annual situado, or
subsidy, to help support the military garrison and government and also
underwrote major works, such as the construction of the Castillo de San
Marcos (Bushnell 1981; Waterbury 1983). Colonial society reached its
maturity in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Most of the
native population lived at the dozens of mission sites while the social
composition of St. Augustine evolved into the system of natives, castas,
Creoles, and Iberian Spaniards which characterized other Spanish American
colonies. The archaeology of the town and its people during this period is
summarized in Deagan (1983) and numerous historical works describe
economic and social conditions of life (see Bolton 1921; Boyd, Smith, and
Griffin 1951; Bushnell 1981, 1983; Chatelaine 1941; Corbett 1976; Gannon 1983;
Harman 1969; Hoffman 1993; Lyon 1976; Proctor 1975, 1976; Tebeau 1971-
Tepaske 1964; Waterbury 1983; Weber 1992).
British Period 1763-1783
Spanish colonists in Florida staved off repeated British assaults in the
1700s only to lose the region as a result of Spanish setbacks in the Caribbean.
In 1762 a British invasion force captured Havana, and to regain it Spain was
forced to cede its Florida colony, as well as other possessions, to England
(Kuethe and Inglis 1985; Kuethe 1986; Lockey 1949).
British control of Florida was short-lived. Yet with its advent much of
what had characterized colonial Florida for 200 years disappeared. The
Spanish mission system, already under duress in the early 1700s, had been
eliminated by 1763 (Deagan 1983: 26). Spanish colonials and the remnant
population of Christianized Indians evacuated St. Augustine in 1763 to live
in Cuba (Deagan 1983: 32). Creek and Seminole peoples began to settle in
Florida from the early 1720s and became the major native American presence
in the region (Fairbanks 1978).
One of Britain's first acts was to divide Florida into two colonies. West
Florida, based in Pensacola, consisted of the panhandle and much of what is
now Alabama. Peninsular Florida, with its capital in St. Augustine, formed
the colony of East Florida. Investors introduced a plantation economy to
Florida, converting the landscape into the image of South Carolina and
Georgia (Greene 1988; Schafer 1983). Just as important, from an economic
standpoint, was the flourishing trade established with the Creeks and
The American Revolution brought an end to British rule. West
Florida and Pensacola fell to a Spanish army in 1781 (Weber 1992: 276). East
Florida was returned to Spain by treaty in 1783. By 1784, Spain once again
held possession not only of Florida, but of all the borderlands on Mexico's
northern frontier from the Atlantic to the Southwest (Weber 1992).
Late Colonial Spanish East Florida
The colony Spain re-established in Florida in 1784 was not simply a
reconstruction of the former society. Late colonial Florida was a product both
of traditions established during the first Spanish period and new economic
factors at play in the Spanish Caribbean. There were many parallels between
the colony of the early and late eighteenth century. Twenty years had not
altered the environment and geography of Florida— the new colony inherited
the same indigenous plants and animals, introduced livestock, and
agricultural cultigens for subsistence and the same river and coastal system
for transport (see Figure 1). The political situation also had not changed-
there was still a potentially hostile power—now the United States— to the
immediate north. Financially, Spanish East Florida was to be underwritten by
situado monies from New Spain, as had been the case in the early eighteenth
century. Finally, there was the town of St. Augustine itself — still built around
a central plaza according to the Spanish grid system with the Castillo de San
Marcos guarding the northern perimeter. With the return of many former
Spanish residents or their offspring the old capital fostered a direct link
between the peoples of the new colony and the old (see Bermudez 1989;
Johnson 1989a, 1989b; Tornero Tinajero 1978). But there were new factors
involved as well. In earlier times, Florida was a frontier colony that had
combined a mission system with a social hierarchy based roughly on the
estate system of New Spain to meet the needs of regional defense and
localized economy. That society did not re-emerge in the late colonial period.
Late colonial Florida was more representative of life in the Spanish Caribbean
than in New Spain. Once a peripheral region of the Spanish American
Empire, Florida by the 1780s was sandwiched between two of the most
important regions in New World trade. The territory to the north had
npUtmda /.i IjtUkt
\i sii <jDtfenx~i -,
Atft^Attifchiff i SC&Jn ■' JTBAdOt
:-,;-~i- < r , gA-'«
Figure 1: 1791 map of St. Augustine by Mariano de la Rocque showing the
town, Castillo de San Marcos, cultivated fields to the north, the
harbor, surrounding river systems, and Anastasia Island.
been transformed from a series of British colonies into the new nation of the
United States, whose ports were becoming booming centers of trade. To the
south, the rise of sugar, tobacco, and coffee had invigorated the economy of
the Caribbean with new life. The French colony of Saint Domingue was the
world's leading sugar producer (Geggus 1991; Knight 1978). Havana, Cuba,
important as a harbor and supply station for Spanish fleets and now a major
exporter of sugar, was Spanish America's third largest city and second largest
port, surpassed only by Vera Cruz, Mexico (Burkholder and Johnson 1990:
278-280; Kuethe 1991). From New York to Buenos Aires, the late eighteenth
century saw the rise of what has come to be known as the 'Atlantic
economy," a regional trade network that was gradually effacing the political
and social barriers of the Americas (Knight and Liss 1991).
Spain and its Late Bourbon Dynasty
Life in Spanish East Florida was influenced throughout the late
colonial period by international and regional events. Although the late
colonial period in Florida was brief, it saw both the initial success and
ultimate failure of Spanish reforms in colonial affairs. Under Charles III
(1759-1788), the most powerful Spanish monarch in a century, Spain
reorganized its colonial bureaucracy to tighten Crown control over officials,
invested in fortifications in the Caribbean, altered the defense strategy for
Atlantic shipping, and introduced a liberalized trading policy-- comercio libre -
which allowed most Spanish and Spanish American ports to trade directly
with one another (Brading 1987; Burkholder and Johnson 1990: 257-287;
Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 346-368; Lynch 1987; see also MacLeod 1984).
In the end it was not reform but the collapse of Spanish naval and
military power which ensured changes in colonial life. For much of the
eighteenth century Spain was an ally of France. This long-term alliance began
to fail at the end of the century and Spain often found itself caught between
English and French ambitions. When France erupted in Revolution in 1789,
Spain turned to England as a protector of royalist interests in Europe.
However, in 1795 revolutionary French armies crossed the Spanish border
and the French government forced Spain to adopt a neutral position in
foreign affairs (Burkholder and Johnson 1990:291-294; Weber 1992: 285-291).
This change in Spain's policy brought on war with England and from
1796 to 1802 Spanish government and commerce struggled to maintain trans-
Atlantic contact with the New World against a British naval blockade. With
the rise of Napolean, Spanish fortunes reached their nadir. In 1799 Napolean
coerced Charles IV into returning Louisiana to France and then sold the
territory to the United States. The prestige of the Spanish Crown itself was
weakened by corruption and political intrigue. Government was largely in
the hands of Manuel Godoy, the king's principal minister and reputedly the
queen's lover; he was widely despised as a royal favorite and had little
popular support (Herold 1963: 202-203). In 1807, Ferdinand, heir to the
thrown, attempted to overthrow Godoy, was arrested for treason, and
imprisoned for a year. In the middle of this power struggle, Napoleon sent
100,000 French troops into Spain. The royal family, following the example of
the Portuguese Crown, attempted to flee to their New World possessions.
They were halted at Aranjuez, where a mob attempted to lynch Godoy and
insisted that Charles IV abdicate in favor of Ferdinand (Herold 1963: 210).
By this time, however, it was no longer Charles or Ferdinand but
Napolean who controlled Spain. He lured both king and prince to French
soil and then forced them to abdicate in favor of his brother, Joseph. Popular
uprisings against French rule began almost immediately, spawning a guerilla
war, and revolts against the French army of occupation continued until 1814
when the Bourbon monarchy was restored under Ferdinand VII (Burkholder
and Johnson 1990: 294-299; Lynch 1987: 15-23, 47-48; Weber 1992: 296-301).
The Circum-Caribbean and the Rise of Cuba
In addition to events in Europe, regional events also influenced life in
Florida. Foremost among them was the rise of Cuba as an economic power.
The fall of Havana in 1762 had shocked Madrid and forced Charles III and his
ministers into a program of reforms. Cuba was the key strategic point in
Spain's defense of its mainland colonial possessions. In order to ensure the
island's future safety, Spain poured millions of pesos into the Cuban
economy to strengthen harbor defenses and maintain a larger garrison
(Burkholder and Lyman 1990; Kuethe 1986, 1991). The Crown intended to
reforge Havana as the impregnable gate to the Gulf of Mexico.
But the island's shrewd entrepreneurs held a more expansive view of
their future. In the 1760s Havana already had a diversified economy based in
sugar production, trade, and ship building, as well as defense (Kuethe 1991).
The influx of silver from Mexico now provided liquid capital for further
expansion, especially of the sugar industry. Between 1760 and 1790 sugar
production on Cuba trebled and Havana became a leading port in the trans-
Atlantic trade with Spain (Kuethe 1991: 27). Repeatedly, the wealthy planters
and merchants of Cuba deluged the Crown with requests for economic
concessions; first, for a lessening of restrictions on trade (1765), then for
expansion of the slave trade (1792), and subsequently for enactment of land
reforms that would opened protected timberlands and create a surge in land
speculation (1795-1830) (Knight 1970; Kuethe 1991).
The bases of Cuban monoculture were laid down during the decade
1790-1800, converting the island, particularly the western region
around Havana, into a huge sugar mill. During this period, Cuba
established a new type of linkage with the outside world and with the
metropolis [Spain]; by the 1830s it was the richest colony in the world.
(Duany 1985: 103)
An essential feature in Havana's rise as an economic power was its
increasing integration into the regional Atlantic economy, especially in trade
partnership with the United States (Knight 1970:6-7). This partnership
originated in Cuba's need to import flour and export sugar. Bread was
essential to feed the garrison and provide a basic staple, but the flour for it had
to be imported (Lewis 1984: 113). Prior to the eighteenth century, Havana had
secured flour from Mexico or Spain. However, by the mid-1 700s these
suppliers were being out-competed as cheap, reliable sources of flour by
merchants in the British colonies (Lynch 1987; Lewis 1984: 114). Exports of
flour from the Thirteen Colonies jumped during the American Revolution
when Spain opened the port of Havana to trade with allied and neutral
powers (Lewis 1984:115). U.S. ships, primarily from Baltimore and
Philadelphia, represented between 20 and 30 percent of arrivals and
departures in Havana's harbor between 1781 and 1783 and carried almost 90
percent of the flour trade (Lewis 1984: 117; Tornero Tinajero 1981: 89, 92).
Flour was off-loaded to Cuban factors in return from shipments of sugar
(Lewis 1984: 116). Although this trade lasted openly for only a few years (1780-
1785), it was, as Barbier noted, merely "a rehearsal for the vaster operations
destined to follow" (Barbier and Kuethe 1984: 3). Throughout the turbulent
1790s and early nineteenth century, U.S.-Cuban trade persisted-openly when
Spanish law allowed, undercover when it did not (Knight 1970; Kuethe 1984,
1991; Lewis 1984; Liss 1984; Salvucci 1984, 1991).
Florida and the Cuban Mode l
Spanish Florida was re-established from Havana at a time when Spain
was weakened by war in Europe and when Cuba enjoyed prosperity through
its ability to win concessions for its sugar industry and engage in fairly
unrestricted trade with the United States. The Caribbean orientation of the
Spanish colonists in late colonial Florida is essential to understanding the
history of the colony. Early historians of the period frequently interpreted late
colonial society as predestined to failure, a vain Spanish attempt to prevent
Florida from becoming part of the United States. In fact, it is important to
recognize that Spaniards returned to Florida with the determination and the
knowledge to make it a paying and prosperous settlement.
The contingent of Spanish colonists who arrived in Florida in 1784
came from the very center of the Spanish American possession which most
benefited from free trade, entrepreneurial spirit, and commercial ties to the
United States. They could not help but be aware of the economic revolution
that was transforming the island of Cuba. Some of them were floridanos
who had arrived in Havana only a year after its fall to the British. Others
were native cubanos or, like Govenor Zespedes, were Old World Spaniards
who had held important royal offices in Cuba during the earlv years of the
sugar boom (Johnson 1989a; Tanner 1989).
It is also with the Cuban model in mind that one must understand the
willingness of Florida's governors to circumvent official Spanish policies in
order to promote growth in Florida. The first governor, Vicente Manuel de
Zespedes y Velasco (1784-1790) tried to resolve the colonies three major
problems: defense, settlement, and finance. In what was to be characteristic of
government in Florida during the late colonial period, Zespedes frequently
waived or ignored official Spanish policies in order to achieve his ends.
The Creek and Seminole peoples posed an immediate threat to the
colony. They controlled large areas of Florida and represented a military force
which St. Augustine and its garrison could not counter. Maintaining
peaceful relations was essential, and this in turn depended on a continuation
of the trade network established by the English. Unable to find a Spanish
provider for the Indian trade, Zespedes set aside Spanish trade law and
granted a license to the British firm of Panton & Leslie Co. to continue
trafficking with the Creeks and Seminoles. Panton & Leslie Co. retained a
monopoly on the trade and held rights to deal directly with English ports in
order to obtain trade goods (Tanner 1989; Whi taker 1931; Weber 1992).
Zespedes also had to modify Spanish regulations on immigration in
order to increase the population of Spanish East Florida. Early attempts to
bring in more Spanish settlers or to accept non-Spanish settlers on condition
that they convert to Catholicism failed to produce results. In 1790, adopting
policies applied in Louisiana and Texas, Spain dropped religious restrictions
and opened Florida to any settlers, provided they agreed to cultivate the land
and pledged loyalty to the Spanish Crown (Cusick 1989; Weber 1992). The
policy brought a steady stream of British and American settlers into the
colony, followed later by French and Irish. It led to a resurgence of plantation
agriculture and a sharp increase in the slave population. It also contributed to
the most striking feature of late colonial society-that Spanish Florida was
never destined to be mainly Spanish, or even Spanish American. Many
different peoples would make up the colonial population: Seminole and
Creek Indians, newly-independent Americans and old British loyalists,
Spaniards and Minorcans, French exiles and Haitian revolutionaries, free
blacks and black slaves, Catholics and Protestants (Griffin 1988, 1990; Johnson
1989a, 1989b ; Landers 1988a; Parker 1990).
In matters of trade, attempts to evade Spanish regulations were even
more overt. From 1784 onward Spanish Florida petitioned Spain for the
same rights to trade that characterized Cuban commerce and emphasized the
necessity of trading with the United States. Shortly after arriving in Florida,
Zespedes wrote to a superior: "that a poor immigrant at the end of one year,
when he has made his first crop, or a Minorcan with a wife and four or five
children who does not earn half a peso fuerte a day, should have to provide
his family with goods bought from that place [Havana] and feed them with
food from New Spain-I must honestly say that I consider such a thing
impossible even with the most industrious effort on their parts, at least until
this country has developed several years with some measure of free trade"
(Whitaker 1931: 57). This demand, initiated by Zespedes, was taken up and
pressed by Governor Quesada. Both officials were encouraged by Spain's
liberalization of trade restrictions as applied to Cuba and also by a royal cedula
in 1782 that opened trade between France and Spanish Louisiana (Miller 1976;
Weber 1992). Under pressure, Spain promulgated a new cedula in 1793 which
granted Spanish Florida the right to trade with ports of nations allied or
friendly to Spain. In some respects, this cedula simply legalized practices
already underway. Throughout the 1780s, merchants in St. Augustine had
been making regular trips to U.S. ports, exploiting a loophole in Spanish
regulation which allowed Florida to import "emergency" provisions from
nearby ports (Cusick 1991). Even so, through the cedulas of 1782 and 1793,
Spain sanctioned a commercial freedom in its border colonies that, in
practical terms, meant direct trade with Spanish America and the United
States and indirect trade with much of Europe.
Political Events in Spanish East Florida
By the 1790s, Spanish East Florida had won every concession it desired;
but events in Europe were about to catch up with the colony. The first crisis
came in 1795, due in part to war with France and in part to the new
immigration policy. Disaffected American settlers on the Florida-Georgia
border, assisted by French agents, tried to usurp control of the colony. The
second governor, Juan Nepomuceno Quesada (1790-1795), responded with a
scorched earth policy, evacuating settlers from lands along the St. Johns and
St. Mary's rivers, burning plantations, and seizing rebels and their
possessions (Miller 1978).
The successful slave uprising in French Saint Domingue in 1791,
culminating in the revolution that created the new black republic of Haiti,
also had a direct impact on developments in Florida. During the late 1790s
French refugees from Saint Domingue began to arrive in St. Augustine.
Ironically, they were shortly to be reunited with some of the revolutionaries
who had expelled them. After 1796 Jorge Biassou, a free black military officer,
was placed in charge of the free black militia. Biassou, a former slave on Saint
Domingue, had joined Toussaint Louverture in leading the revolution in
Haiti and later entered the Spanish military (Landers 1988b).
The Napoleonic Era brought a surge in commerce but also renewed
threats from an expanding United States. In 1806, as a response to war in
Europe, U.S. president Thomas Jefferson signed the Non-Intercourse Act and
followed it in 1807 with the Embargo Act, closing U.S. markets to imports
from England and France (Ward 1989: 163). Spanish Florida capitalized on
the embargo by opening the port of Amelia Island (later Fernandina) as an
intermediary entrepot or transshipment point. Since the port was in neutral
territory, U.S. and European merchants could rendezvous there to exchange
cargos. Transshipment of goods through Fernandina soared between 1809
and 1811 and the colonial government cooperated in the the quasi-legal trade
in return for lucrative import and export duties (Ward 1989).
With Spain in turmoil between 1808 and 1814, Spanish Florida entered
a final period of unrest and instability. In 1812 Spanish troops suppressed
another rebellion of American residents who had declared the independence
of Fernandina and Amelia Island. In June 1817 a private army raised and led
by Gregor MacDonald crossed from Georgia, captured Fernandina without
significant resistance, and declared Amelia Island as the new and
independent Republic of Florida. MacGregor acted ostensibly under direction
from several Venzuelan agents for Spanish American Independence. A force
of Spanish troops and local militia, sent from St. Augustine, failed to
recapture Fernandina and local residents, although unsympathetic to
MacDonald's cause, waited to see if the United States would intervene
(Bushnell 1986: 5-6). In September, control of the town fell to Louis Aury, a
French-born privateer, who used it as a base to raid U.S. shipping. When it
became clear that the Republic of Florida was merely a front for piracy, U.S.
forces seized Amelia Island and expelled its so-called liberators; but, despite
protests from Spain, the United States refused to return the island to Spanish
sovereignty (Bushnell 1986)
In 1818 Andrew Jackson entered Florida to strike at the Creeks and
Seminoles. Spain was again on the verge of civil war and had no hope of
blocking an American take-over of the colony (Herold 1963: 231; Weber 1992).
Ferdinand VII began negotiations to cede the territory to the United States.
Transfer finally occurred in 1821, closing the final chapter on more than 200
years of Spanish rule in Florida (Norris 1983).
PORTRAIT OF A COMMUNITY:
CULTURE AND CULTURE THEORY IN A ST. AUGUSTINE CONTEXT
This chapter focuses on the central players in this analysis, the Spanish
and Minorcan colonists of St. Augustine, who are represented by
archaeological assemblages from several households. The criteria used to
define social class and ethnicity also are discussed to give the reader an idea of
where individual households fit in the social structure of St. Augustine
society. The chapters that follow are concerned only with segments of the
whole, with specific individuals, specific sites, specfic families, and the small
world of mundane household things: the garments people wore, the plates
and crockery they purchased, and the food they ate. These will be the basis for
comparing upper and lower classes, Minorcans and Spaniards. Yet the
archaeology of individual households can tell us little if treated in isolation.
It is essential to embed archaeological data within the broader spectrum of the
demography and material conditions of late colonial society in St. Augustine.
The course of this chapter takes us from the general to the specific: first, to a
broad view of St. Augustine's physical layout and population, then to the two
components of that population under consideration, and finally to the
households, their history and excavation.
The chief reasons for St. Augustine's rebirth in the late colonial period
was its old importance as a guardian of Spanish shipping and its new role
as an Atlantic port town. Late colonial St. Augustine was a point in a larger
network of trade and immigration which influenced and shaped colonial life.
Although it was dwarfed in size by such Spanish American ports cities as
Havana, Vera Cruz, and Cartagena, not to mention the cities of the United
States, it nonetheless shared many characteristics with these places and fit,
albeit as a small cog, into the machinery that drove the Atlantic commercial
world. Like other Spanish American ports of the late eighteenth century, it
benefitted from infusions of military spending for defense and from
liberalized Spanish trading regulations. Like ports in general, it attracted a
diverse aggregation of peoples, drawn from many nations, who brought with
them not only their own cultures and languages, but also investments and
occupational skills. Moreover, with the growth of shipping and commerce,
colonial residents of St. Augustine had access to external markets and foreign
goods on a scale not seen in earlier periods. Late colonial St. Augustine
consisted of a multicultural society framed within a Spanish political and
cultural milieu. It is the town's multiculturalism in this period which makes
it a good choice as a community study dealing with social class and ethnicity.
Documentary sources on the resident population of St. Augustine in
late colonial times are numerous. Those most generally used include the
parish records; censuses for the years 1785, 1786, 1793, and 1813; maps of the
town in 1788 and 1797 with keys to lots and ownership; tax records; and a list
of non-Spanish residents, the Padron de los Extranieros. which recorded
information on immigrants and ensured that they signed an oath of loyalty to
the Spanish crown (EFP "Census Returns," Bundle 323a, reel 148; EFP
"Loyalty Oaths," Bundle 350; Landers 1988a: 52). Unfortunately, no general
history of Spanish East Florida has yet been written. Data on population are
scattered through dozens of books and articles. Even from this disjointed
material, however, comes abundant evidence to justify the term
multicultural when applied to the late colonial period.
Until the early 1790s, Spanish settlers were the most affluent and
important members of the colony, although they never made up a majority
of the population (Johnson 1989a; Weber 1992). The Minorcans, a group of
Mediterranean peoples, formed the core of the town's residents (see Table 4-
1). After 1795, however, immigration brought many non-Spanish settlers to
the colony and also saw a rapid increase in Africans held in slavery.
Table 4-1. Population of St. Augustine 1786 (Excluding the Garrison)
Casta /Free black
Source: Griffin 1990: 118; Johnson 1989b: 38; Landers 1988a: 58.
All demographic studies of late colonial St. Augustine begin with the
baseline data provided by the 1786 census conducted by Fr. Thomas Hasset,
parish priest, as modified by subsequent research (see Table 4-1). The town's
population consisted of 450 members of the Spanish garrison, 469 Minorcans,
216 Spanish, cubano, or floridano civilians, 87 foreigners, 33 free blacks, and
about 461 black slaves. Outside of town, an additional 130 settlers-mostly
British and American--and 170 slaves lived on plantations along the St. Johns
and St. Mary's rivers (Dunkle 1958; Griffin 1990). This population of rural
settlers increased to about 269 people by 1790 (Parker 1990: 59).
St. Augustine's population changed throughout the end of the colonial
period, subject to both Spanish policies and external world events. Two of the
most important regulations affecting population growth were those dealing
with slavery and immigration.
Throughout the eighteenth century, Spanish government in Florida
supported a sanctuary policy, establishing slaves' rights to manumission or
the purchase of their freedom through coartacion. The policy also freed slaves
who escaped from English colonies, provided they converted to Catholicism
(Landers 1988a: 7-9). The sanctuary policy continued in effect until 1790 and
led to a rise in the free black population of Spanish East Florida. After 1790,
however, the growth of this segment of the population leveled off and
remained at a little more than 100 people (see Table 4-2; see also Landers
1988a: 214-215). The most important additions were the extended family and
household of Jorge Biassou, one of the military leaders of the revolution in
Haiti, subsequently a Spanish military officer living in Cuba, and finally the
commander of the free black militia in Florida. Biassou and his entourage
were stationed in St. Augustine in the early 1790s (Landers 1988b).
Table 4-2. Free Black and Slave Population of St. Augustine
IZ86 1788 1793 1797 1814
Fr ee 33 63 126 102 122
Slave 461 588 1527 483 1651
Source: Johnson 1989b: 38; Landers 1988a: 58.
Also in 1790, the colonial govenment instituted a revised immigration
policy, requiring non-Spanish subjects to take an oath of loyalty to Spain, but
no longer requiring them to convert to Catholicism. The new system
distributed land to immigrants based on the English headright system. Each
household head received 100 acres of land, with an additional 50 for every
person attached to the houshold; immigrants received title to the land after 10
years residence (Landers 1988a: 52).
Resulting immigration dramatically altered the demography of both St.
Augustine and the outlying lands of East Florida along the St. Johns and St.
Marys rivers. By 1795, the principally Spanish and Minorcan population of
St. Augustine was already being joined by American, English, French, and
Irish colonists (see Table 4-3). The suppression of rebellion in 1795 curtailed
immigration for several years; however, between 1797 and 1804 there was a
new and larger influx of Americans and Europeans into the town.
Table 4-3. Non-Spanish Household Heads Arriving in St. Augustine
Source: Compiled from EFP, "Loyalty Oaths," Bundle 350, 1790-1804.
Immigration into St. Augustine reflected what was occurring more
generally in the colony (see Table 4-4). The period of greatest immigration
followed the 1795 rebellion and peaked in 1803 when approximately 500 new
settlers entered the colony. Americans were the most numerous
immigrants, but this should not obscure the fact that there were other
significant movements of people. Irish and Scottish colonists arrived during
most of the late eighteenth century, and French immigration picked up
dramatically in the 1790s during the aftermath of the French and Haitian
revolutions. With these arrivals, and allowing for duplications in the record
and for emigration out of Florida, the non-Spanish population of the colony
in the early nineteenth century consisted of at least 1,000 people, almost five-
fold what it had been only two decades before.
Table 4-4. Non-Spanish Immigration into Spanish East Florida
Year American English French Irish Scottish Other
1791 127 19 8 54 12 54
1792 36 4 29 20 3 1
1793 40 49 9 5 3
1797 37 6
1798 11 27
1800 60 1 18 5 1 8
1801 79 1 7 20
1802 94 13 4 18 8 4
1803 320 20 10 59 52 36
1804 208 25 15 17 1 6
Totals 986 132 155 202 88 112
Source: Compiled from EFP, "Loyalty Oaths", Bundle 350, 1790-1804.
The other major effect of immigration was to convert Spanish East
Florida permanently to a plantation economy in which the majority of labor
depended on slavery. Of the 4,351 people recorded as entering Florida
between 1800 and 1804, 3,241-or approximately three-quarters-were slaves
(EFP, "Loyalty Oaths," bundle 350, 1790-1804).
In all these respects, Spanish East Florida followed demographic trends
apparent throughout the other Spanish frontier territories in the North
American-West Florida, Louisiana, and Texas-as well as trends in the
Spanish Caribbean. Like other frontier colonies, Florida was largely
populated by a diverse peoples from outside Spain and Spanish America
(Weber 1992). Like Cuba, and to a lesser extent Puerto Rico, its port towns
acted as a magnet for immigrants and as a haven for free peoples of color
(Duany 1985; Kuethe 1991; Knight 1970). St. Augustine, and later Fernandina,
would become sanctuaries of free blacks and mulattos while the countryside
of Spanish Florida became the domain of slavery (Landers 1988a).
Yet numbers alone do not reveal the full impact immigration had on
the development of Spanish East Florida. People were not distributed
randomly over the landscape, nor, for that matter, across occupations. This is
evident from looking at the conjunction of settlers, geography, and
Urban and rural areas in Spanish Florida developed along different
trajectories. The northern hinterlands, as numerous studies have shown,
were increasingly settled by British or American families engaged in
agriculture and ranching (Parker 1990). This was somewhat mitigated by the
fact that important plantation families also had town residences in either St.
Augustine or Fernandina. Fernandina matured as a port for exporting cotton
and lumber during the nineteenth century and by 1813 the town and its
surroundings had a population of 428 free whites, 41 free blacks and mulattos,
and 838 slaves (Landers 1988a: 61; Ward 1989). Yet a basic town/countryside
In the more heterogeneous and complex town of St. Augustine,
wealth, status, occupation, and ethnic background all influenced where
people lived. The physical layout of St. Augustine was dictated by
surrounding topography and Spanish regulations on the design of New
World cities (see Figure 2). The town lay on low coastal ground. To the west
it was bordered by Maria Sanchez Creek and to the south and east by the
Matanzas River (Deagan 1983). The Matanzas served as the town's harbor
and was separated from the Atlantic Ocean by the thin barrier island of
Anastasia Island. On the north side of town both the harbor entrance and the
city gates were protected by the Castillo de San Marcos, the massive coquina-
block fort which had been built in the late seventeenth century and had
dominated St. Augustine's topography ever since. Walls enclosed the town
on all sides and from the north gate ran the King's Road towards Georgia. St.
Augustine was subject to flooding but its location, encircled by fortifications
and marshes, provided excellent defense (Johnson 1989a: 47-48).
Within the walls, the town resembled many Spanish American towns,
laid out in a grid pattern with a central plaza-a pattern which the British had
not altered. High government officials and civil servants, wealthy
merchants, and other affluent people resided around the plaza or in the
blocks immediately south (Johnson 1989b: 28). Also in this area lived people
associated with the hospital and barracks, both located at the south end of
town. Soldiers and military widows had homes near Castillo de San Marcos
and some people engaged in commerce lived near the waterfront, which also
housed commercial warehouses (Johnson 1989b: 28-29). The northern section
of town became known as the Minorcan Quarter. It had been
given to Minorcans during the British Period as a place to settle and most still
lived in it (Griffin 1990). Also in the northern section were some returning
floridanos who had reclaimed lots owned by their families in earlier times.
The free population practiced a variety of professions and some
occupations correlated closely with particular groups. Government and civil
service positions were wholly in the hands of Spaniards and a few Irish who
undertook service with Spain. Occupations for this period are difficult to
quantify, since many people practiced more than one means of gaining a
livelihood. Table 4-5 presents some of the available data on who did what
within different segments of the population. More specific information on
occupations is presented in Appendix A. The data are not comprehensive
and are compiled from a variety of years; however, they offer an
approximation of occupational strata in St. Augustine.
Spanish residents monopolized government positions. There are 57
Spanish individuals accounted for under "Public Employees" in Table 4-5.
From this, one can estimate that 50 percent of adult Spanish males held
government positions and half of these had prestigious positions in civil
service or the military. Those Spanish colonists not engaged by the civil
service, and therefore not represented in Table 4-5, tended to be merchants or
cattle ranchers, although some practiced trades (Johnson 1989b: 41-44).
Military officers were either Spaniards or Irishmen and the colony had a
Spanish chaplain at the hospital, two Irish priests who served the colony's
Catholic parish, and two Minorcan priests who headed the Catholic parish of
By contrast, the majority of Minorcans were farmers, fishermen,
sailors, or artisans. Minorcans, free blacks, and Seminole Indians all played
key roles in supplying farm produce, game, and fish to St. Augustine (Griffin
1990; Landers 1988a).
Other European groups were also divided among agriculture,
commerce, and trades. Among Irish immigrants named in the Padron de los
Extranjeros between 1790 and 1804, about 45 percent listed their occupations as
farmer or merchants. The remainder were largely tradesmen, especially
carpenters, tailors, and shoemakers or cobblers. Half of the French
immigrants were engaged in farming or commerce, but there were also
numerous carpenters, bakers, and doctor/surgeons, as well as a saddle-maker,
a coppersmith, and a barber.
Table 4-5 represents the free population only. Although many free
persons did day-labor, Spanish East Florida was a slave economy. The burden
of clearing forests, havesting crops, and tending cattle fell largely on Africans
forced into labor under slavery (Landers 1988a: 216). The slave population
also included many skilled laborers; however, as the plantation economy
grew, relatively few slaves, skilled or otherwise, succeeded in purchasing
their freedom. African slaves took the place of native Americans as the labor
pool which supported Spanish Florida's economy.
Spaniards and Minorcans
Demographic and occupational data delimit the parameters of St.
Augustine's society. But from the outset, and at the heart of this colony, were
two peoples with shared cultural backgrounds but radically different New
World experiences: Spaniards and Minorcans. There can be little question
that St. Augustine had a diverse population in late colonial times. Yet it is
debatable whether the people in various immigrant segments-American,
British, French, or Irish— had anything more in common with one another
than nation of origin. The Spaniards and Minorcans, however, present a
different case. Two major social lines shaped and divided these groups: class
affiliation and ethnic cohesion.
Table 4-5. Distribution of Occupations Across Some Segments
of St Augustine's Late Eighteenth-Century Population
Servants / Domes tics
Source: Griffin 1990: 152; Johnson 1989b; Landers 1988a: 70; Lockey 1949: 198-
199, 202-204; EFP, "Loyalty Oaths," Bundle 350, 1790-1804.
The following profiles of the Spanish and Minorcan communities in
St. Augustine do not claim to be comprehensive. More complete discussions
can be found in a series of historical works (see Griffin 1983; Johnson 1989a,
1989b; and Tanner 1989, for Spanish culture; Griffin 1988, 1990; Poitrineau
1988; Quinn 1975; and Rasico 1987,1990, for Minorcan). Here the focus is on
providing background history on the two groups and on demonstrating why
the Minorcans, of all groups in the colony, can be identifed as an ethnic
The Spanish Colonists
As previously noted, about 216 Spanish colonists arrived in St.
Augustine in the early 1780s as permanent residents. This grouped formed
the core Spanish population, as opposed to soldiers who were rotated in and
out of St. Augustine according to need (Johnson 1989b). Roughly a third of
the colonists were native-born Spaniards, a third were Spanish Americans
from Cuba, and a third were former residents of Spanish Florida or heirs to
estates in Florida (Dunkle 1958; Johnson 1989b: 36). Although this group
included servants, laborers, and artisans, by and large, it represented members
of the Spanish gentry and middle classes, engaged either as civil servants in
the colonial government, as military officers, as staff at the hospital, or as
merchants and ranchers. Most of these colonists grew up on Cuba or lived
substantial parts of their lives there. In many respects what distinguished
them as a cultural group were characteristics prevalent in Spanish American
society in Havana during the late eighteenth century.
General accounts of Havana's Spanish American elite in the late
eighteenth century described it as urbane and cosmopolitan, with a respect for
the latest fashions in Madrid (Allahar 1984; Kuethe 1991) and the newest
cuisine from France (Merlin 1974). The city's emerging noveau riche
consisted of a Creole elite, some with titles, engaged as sugar planters and
ranchers; royal officials from Spain; and a mercantile class with close ties to
U.S. merchants-an association begun during the flour trade of the 1780s
(Kuethe 1984: 19). Habanero s had easy access to foreign traders, since Havana
boasted a sizeable enclave of non-Spanish commercial agents, including
Americans from Philadelphia and Baltimore and French from Saint
Domingue and the Louisiana territories (Knight 1970: 13; Kuethe 1991; Lewis
1984; Salvucci 1984). Havana's elite admired the economic progress of the
United States and fully embraced the new spirit of enterprise alive in Spanish
America (Knight 1970: 6-8). They organized new societies for economic
advancement and dispatched members to the British West Indies to study
methods of improving sugar production (Knight 1970). Although they may
have been considered provincial by Old World Spaniards, in fact they were
conversant with many of the" ideas embodied in the Spanish Enlightenment
and followed European affairs closely. Those who could afford it sent their
children to be educated in Europe.
The colonists who came to Florida in the 1780s created a society that in
many ways was a microcosm of this larger society. As previously noted,
Spanish colonists in Florida were town-oriented and drew their income
largely from civil service, landed estates, and commerce (Johnson 1989b).
Already, from the previous chapter, it is easy to see parallels between the
Spaniards of St. Augustine and their counterparts in Havana. The actions of
Governor Zespedes in the 1780s reveal a man willing to adapt or modify
Spanish policies on mercantilism and immigration in order to secure a
thriving plantation economy and commercial base for Florida (Tanner 1989).
This was also the attitude of the next governor, Quesada, and those in Florida
who advised him on colonial policy (Miller 1981; Romero Cabot 1985). Nor
were the governors' attitudes unique or idiosyncratic. Other wealthy
Spaniards in St. Augustine maintained much of the cosmopolitan character
noted of habanero s. Letters from the 1780s attest to interest in French fashion
and French food on formal occasions in St. Augustine (Tanner 1989). There
are surviving probate inventories for the private libraries of four heads of
households (see Appendix B): Don Miguel Yznardy, merchant and colonial
translator; Don Juan Jose Bousquet, surgeon at the hopital; Don Jose Maria de
la Torre, commander of the Third Cuban Infantry Batallion; and Don Enrique
White, an Irish officer in the Hibernian Regiment, who became the colony's
fourth governor. While these individuals obviously represent some of the
wealthiest people in the colony, they provide at least some idea of Spanish
colonists' connections to a wider world. It is evident from the libraries that
all of these men were conversant, if not fluent, in more than one language,
and that they were cognizant of Enlightenment ideas and philosophies.
Yznardy perhaps epitomized the worldly and well-travelled Spanish
commercial agent of the day. His library included Spanish-to-English and
French-to-English dictionaries, volumes on English grammar and spelling, as
well as French-to-Italian and French-to-German dictionaries. The merchant's
leisure reading included books in three languages, among them works by
Tomas a Kempis in English, The Adventures of Telemaco. probably an
English translation of a moral allegory by the French writer Fenelon (1651-
1715), and several volumes of The Letters of Chesterfield, a popular collection
of worldly essays giving advice on manners by Philip Dormer Stanmore,
Fourth Earl of Chesterfield (1694-1773) (see Appendix A).
Other probates provide additional insight into the life and times of
members of the Spanish elite in Florida. Colonel Jose Maria de la Torre
owned the ubiquitous Spanish-to-French and Spanish-to-English dictionaries
mentioned in all four probates, a half dozen volumes on military subjects,
Don Quixote, the Commentaries of Julius Caesar, and a compendium of
writings by the French naturalist Buffon. Bousquet had an extensive library
of 71 volumes: 18 volumes by the French encyclopaediests; Spanish-to-French
and Spanish-to-English dictionaries (including a pocket edition of the latter);
books on medicine in Latin, French, and English; works on natural history;
two copies of Imitation of Christ by a Kempis; and another, Moral Reflections,
which was probably an English translation of Maximas . The library of White,
govenor from 1796 to 1811, included essays on the French Revolution, books
on government in England and the United States, numerous maps and
atlases, and writings by the chemist Joseph Priestley.
Overall, these titles typify the intellectual interests of Spanish
American elites throughout the colonies during late colonial times. As noted
by several authors, the making of the Enlightenment in Spain took on a
characteristic different from Northern Europe, coupling religious
conservatism with a new-found fascination for "reason, science, practicality,
and simple clarity of expression" (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 344). This was
abundantly clear among the reformers around Charles III, who advocated
Enlightenment theories on economy and government without embracing the
notions of liberty and equality that infused the U.S. Founding Fathers or the
French Revolutionaries. This same attitude, transferred to the colonies, was
amply reflected in St. Augustine. A review of the titles (presented in
Appendix B) shows that religious works, largely by seventeenth-century or
medieval moralists, were coupled with contemporary works on science-
especially natural science, medicine, mathematics, chemistry, and the works
of the French philosophies. This is in keeping with what has been noted of
Brazil during late colonial times: "One manifestation of the Enlightement in
Brazil before 1808 was the serious examination of the natural environment.
Geography and biology gained a wider audience. The collection and
classification of indigenous plants became popular among some intellectuals.
And naturalists helped instill a growing pride in Brazil and an awareness of
its uniqueness" (Burkholder and Johnson 1991: 256).
Although government positions were concentrated within the
Spanish community, status and prestige varied by reason of wealth. The
governor, the surgeon, and the master of the shipyard were all hidalgos by
right of birth. But the governor's annual income was 5,000 pesos, that of the
surgeon and the head of the shipyard under 500 pesos (see Appendix B).
Did the Spanish community constitute an ethnic group? The evidence
suggests that they are perhaps better conceived of as a cultural group. Indeed,
as pointed out in social histories, membership in this group was not closed to
outsiders (Johnson 1989a, 1989b). Irish in the service of Spain gained entry
and Spanish colonists also intermarried with some well-to-do English,
German, and Minorcan families (Johnson 1989b). But it would be incorrect to
think that because the group was permeable it had no self-identity.
Distinctions of law and social status still separated this group from others, as
evident in the documents of the times.
The Spanish colonial government divided the residents of St.
Augustine and Spanish Florida according to numerous criteria, including
whether they were natural subjects of Spain and whether they were Catholic
or Protestant. Just as important were the distinctions Spanish, Minorcan, free
black, or European. Census roles were divided into these subcategories and
militias were composed based on these groups (Griffin 1990; Johnson 1988b;
Landers 1988a; Poitrineau 1987). Parish records of baptisms and marriages
reflected similar breakdowns. From an official viewpoint, at any rate, there
was no avoiding categorization.
Continuing respect for hidalguia as an element of social class also
placed barriers between this segment of the colonial population and others.
Nobility of birth still required fulfillment of the same expectations as in
earlier periods: "A gentleman was expected to 'live decently', maintaining
the dignity of his estate whether or not his means were adequate. Open-
handedness and lavish display were not the idiosyncracies of individuals but
the realities of class, the characteristics that kept everyone with pretensions to
hidalguia searching for sources of income" (Bushnell 1981:16). Hidalgufa,
occupation, and income seem to have been the criteria for rank in St.
Augustine (Johnson 1989b). The importance of these variables is evident in
an episode from the life of the Zespedes family. One of the govenor's
daughters, Dominga, fell in love with Juan O'Donovan, a low-ranking officer
in the Hibernian Regiment. The governor tried to discourage the romance,
but Dominga and Juan managed to recite the vows of a clandestine marriage
within the hearing of Miguel O'Reilly, parish priest, and two witnesses-
making their marriage legal under Spanish law (Tanner 1989). The marriage
created a scandal that reverberated even as far as Madrid, and Zespedes
immediately had O'Donovan arrested, although ultimately he acceded to the
marriage as a fait accompli (Tanner 1989). His letter to his superiors,
requesting that the marriage be approved, carried his dual concerns over
O'Donovan's lack of pedigree and lack of income.
Some time ago, Sublieutenant Juan O'Donovan of the Hibernia
Infantry Regiment had the boldness to request of me the hand of
one of my two daughters in marriage. My answer was non-
commital (rather for motives of prudence than with any idea of
yielding to his pretension). I told him that nobility of birth was
an indispensable requisite and that he ought to give proof of
possessing means sufficient to support my daughter with a
decency corresponding to her birth. . . . Apart from seeing my
daughter united with a person who, I understand, has no other
means than his salary as an officer, I found this incident highly
disagreeable for several other reasons. The lack of respect for my
position touched me to the quick [and] the fear that this officer
would take my daughter with him to Providence [a British
colony in the Bahamas] assailed me. (Lockey 1949: 549-550)
The Minorcan Colonists
In contrast to the urban, middle-class contingent of Spanish colonists
in St. Augustine was the group which has come to be known in local and
regional histories as the Minorcans, or sometimes as the Mahoneses. The
Minorcans originally comprised a diverse group of Mediterranean
immigrants of largely peasant background from Greece, Italy, and the Balearic
Islands southeast of Spain. The majority of the group were natives of
Minorca, the northernmost of the Balearics. In the Old World, they made
their living primarily through herding, farming, or fishing, and also counted
many skilled artisans among their number (Griffin 1990).
Although Minorcans were similar to the peoples of the Catalonian
regions of Spain in language, culture, and religion, they did not arrive in
Florida as part of Spanish endeavors at colonization. Rather, they came in
1768 during the period of British rule, recruited as indentured servants by
Andrew Turnbull, a Scottish entrepreneur, who needed laborers to work on
his indigo plantation at New Smyrna, 60 miles south of St. Augustine (Rasico
1990). From the beginning, the privations of these immigrants counted
among the worst of any immigrant group that came to the New World.
Turnbull had convinced British investors to underwrite food and supplies for
a community of 500 people; but he brought more than 1400 immigrants and
stranded them in uncleared swampland with little more than palmetto huts
for shelter (Griffin 1990; Rasico 1990). One hundred and forty eight people
died during the Atlantic crossing, and 627 more perished during the first two
years at New Smyrna from disease, hunger, exposure, and mistreatment. In
1777, when the survivors petitioned the British governor to nullify their
indentures and allow them to settle in St. Augustine, only 419 of the original
group remained. In testimony before the governor, some recalled being
starved, flogged, manacled, and driven to the fields from their sickbeds by
Turnbull's overseers (Quinn 1975; Rasico 1990:147-157).
After their relocation to St. Augustine, the Minorcans settled in the
northern section of town, a run-down area unused by the British and
subsequently known as the Minorcan Quarter. By this time the few Italians
and Greeks remaining in the group had intermarried with Minorcan families
and Minorcan traditions and language predominated. The former
indentured servants began to acquire small parcels of land north of St.
Augustine and would journey daily from their homes in town to work small
garden plots (Griffin 1990). Most combined farming or another profession
with seasonal fishing. As Catholics in an English and Protestant colony, the
Minorcans were suspected of being sympathetic to Spanish desires of
recapturing Florida. They were also regarded as possible allies of American
rebels to the north. With the outbreak of the American Revolution, British
troops stationed in St. Augustine mistreated Minorcan residents. On at least
one occasion, soldiers invaded the Quarter, kidnapped a husband and wife,
and released them only after raping the woman (Rasico 1990). In spite of
prejudice and abuse, Minorcans managed to improve their circumstances,
making a living as farmers, fisherman, and mariners. By the close of the
American Revolution, they were essential to St. Augustine's agricultural and
maritime food base, and a few families accumulated sufficient capital to enter
commerce and shipping (Griffin 1988, 1990).
Whereas the Spanish component of St. Augustine might better be
called a cultural rather than an ethnic group, scholars have little hesitancy in
attributing strong ethnic cohesion to the Minorcans. It will be recalled from
Chapter 2 that the criteria set forth for calling a group "ethnic" were evidence
for "common origins and culture, endogamy, and boundaries-whether they
be physical, like the streets of a town, or social, like marriage patterns-that
demarcate the group from a larger or more inclusive society." The Minorcan
community meets all these criteria and in some respects also evinces
evidence of that affective tie which is central to many definitions of ethnicity.
The Minorcans under British rule were quintessentially endogamous.
They lived exclusively within the Quarter, married only among themselves,
continued to use Catalan as their principal language, and maintained their
own parish in order to practice Catholicism (Griffin 1990; Rasico 1990).
Although made up of several Mediterranean peoples, intermarriage and the
traumatic experiences of the indigo plantation had fused them into one group
by the time of their relocation from New Smyrna to St. Augustine (Griffin
1990). Moreover, in St. Augustine, where they were free to establish
households as they saw fit, Minorcans followed their Old World cultural
traditions by clustering in groups based on town of birth on Minorca (Griffin
1990: 162-183). Land use and farming systems were also based on Minorcan
The return of Spanish rule to Florida in 1783 opened up various
opportunities to this group. The same treaty that gave Spain control of
Florida also gave it control of Minorca, so that the Minorcans of Florida
became subjects of the King of Spain (Lockey 1949). The evacuation of British
settlers also left farmland open for possession and Minorcans began to
petition for rights to purchase this land (Griffin 1990). The Spanish
government, needing settlers for Florida, and clearly glad to have Catholics
with cultural affiliations to Spain, confirmed rights to property made by the
British and allowed Minorcans to purchase additional lands.
Yet the endogamy that characterized the Minorcan community in the
British Period did not disappear. It was mitigated as wealthy Minorcans
settled in other parts of the city, but most of the community remained
geographically situated in the Quarter (Griffin 1990: 135-149; Johnson 1988b).
Other factors also continued to separate Minorcans from other
segments of the population. One of these was language. Although many
Minorcans probably knew Spanish or English, their native language was
Catalan. Catholic services for the Minorcans were performed in Catalan and
it was also the language of daily household use. " Spanish, the official
language of the province of East Florida, was in fact spoken by only a small
element of the civilian population; and, undoubtably, the language which
was heard most often in the streets of St. Augustine was Minorcan Catalan"
(Rasico 1990: 126).
The importance of controlling language was not lost on the Spanish
colonial government. In an attempt to promote assimilation of Minorcans,
the government established a public school and prohibited Minorcan pupils
from speaking any language other than Spanish (Griffin 1988). This policy in
itself suggests that the use of Catalan operated as a boundary between
Minorcans and Spaniards. After the school was established Minorcans
probably became bilingual, although use of Catalan as a "first" language
continued to the end of the nineteenth century, well after the period under
consideration here (Rasico 1990: 126-127). The Minorcan parish also
remained separate from the official colonial parish until after the death of the
Minorcans principal priest, Fr. Pedro Camps, in 1790.
Beyond these criteria, there is some evidence to suggest a true affective
bond among Minorcans. Griffin, who has done the most extensive work on
the early community, noted that in addition to linkages through marriage
and settlement pattern, Minorcans also frequently bound themselves together
through the institution of compadrazgo, a god-parent relationship which
established a fictive kinship between the sponsors of children and the
childrens' parents (1990: 166-169). The institution has a long history both in
Spain and the Mediterranean, as well as in the Spanish New World. For the
Minorcans in Florida, however, it seemed to operate as an additional
mechanism for maintaining unity. Griffin thinks the compadrazgo assumed
special importance in Florida where, due to emigration and death, it was not
always possible to have blood kin as godparents. After the return of Florida to
Spanish rule poorer Minorcans also relied on compadrazgo to maintain kin
affiliation with wealthier members of the group (Griffin 1990: 183).
The conclusion of ethnohistorians who have studied the origins of the
Florida Minorcans and their subsequent history through the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries is that they exhibited considerable physical and cultural
cohesiveness as a group. Griffin noted the continuation of many xMinorcan
traditions during the late colonial period, including aspects of dress, diet,
sytems for naming children, and entertainment (1990: 163-183). Rasico, in
another study, concluded "The Minorcans formed a relatively closed cultural
subunit, a type of ethnolinguistic ghetto nearly independent of the society to
which the other inhabitants of St. Augustuine belonged, until well into the
nineteenth century" (1990: 76). In all these respects, the Minorcans of St.
Augustine can be said to fairly meet the criteria of what in social science
would be termed an ethnic group.
Assimilation or Non-assimilation?
The re-establishment of Spanish rule in St. Augustine thus occured in
conjunction with a growth in population, a surge in commerce, and the
juxtaposition of diverse peoples. Social hierarchy was based on a Spanish
American system for assigning rank. As in Havana and other areas of
Spanish America, there was a color bar in St. Augustine which relegated
persons of color to inferior social positions (Johnson 1988a: 79; Landers 1988a).
Considerations of hidalguia, occupation, and income governed entrance into
the elite. The dominant milieu in the colony was Spanish and within this
milieu the Minorcans-despite being more numerous than the Spaniards-
were an ethnic minority. Yet with the growth of commerce and affluence in
St. Augustine, the route was open for well-to-do Minorcans to merge into the
colonial middle class.
The study of material culture, both through documents and
archaeology, provides one means of assessing whether ethnicity continued to
play an important role in social life after the return of Florida to Spanish rule.
The existence of a strong ethnic boundary between Spaniards and Minorcans
should be marked by differences in material culture and foodways across all
socioeconomic levels. On the other hand, if prosperous Minorcans lived in
much the same way as Spaniards of the same rank, there should be detectable
similarities in household material culture and diet within socioeconomic
levels. The theoretical underpinnings of comparing household possesions
are discussed in subsequent chapters. However, one influence on peoples'
material world was so basic that it will be dealt with immediately. To study
how material culture varied by household, one has to assume that the range
of goods available in St. Augustine was sufficiently varied; otherwise all
households would look identical. Obviously, people could only purchase
what was available on the market. A consideration of St. Augustine's market
system, the flow of commodities into the town, and the price structure of
goods demonstrates that colonists indeed had a wide-ranging choice of
consumables subject to their incomes and inclinations.
Documentary Evidence for Consumerism in St. Augustine
A full explication of the economy of colonial St. Augustine at the end
of the eighteenth century is not possible; only a few aspects of economy have
been thoroughly researched (see Bermudez 1989 on the topic of colonial
finance; Romero Cabot 1983; Tornero Tinajero 1979; Ward 1989; and
Whitaker 1931 on commercial policy and trade). What can be demonstrated
is that St. Augustine was widely engaged in trade, that colonists had access to
a wide assortment of commodities, and that these differed according to quality
and price. Based on this, it would be reasonable to assume that differences in
peoples' possessions were a function of their economic position and other
factors. With this in mind, the focus here is on two points: the growth of
trade and commerce which contributed to commodity flow and the
availability of a wide array of goods at different prices.
Information about the financing of the colony is available from the
studies cited above and will not be dealt with here.
Evidence for a growth in commerce and an emerging merchant
network based in St. Augustine comes from the archives of the colonial
shipping records. From these it is clear that St. Augustine traded regularly
with ports up and down the Atlantic coast. Charleston and Havana became
St. Augustine's first and second most important trade connections and
retained this status throughout the late colonial period (see Table 4-6).
Shipping arrivals also reflected the importance of these two ports (see Cusick
1991: Table 1). However, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Savannah
in the United States and Guarico on the island of Hispaniola were also
regular parts of the trade circuit. The United States was a major supplier of
foodstuffs-especially grains and meats. In this respect, Florida's trade with
the United States was similar to Cuba's, which was also an importer of grains
and other staples from U.S. factors.
Table 4-6. Overall Volume of Goods by Major Ports (in pesos)
Source: Cusick 1991: 287
St. Augustine's merchants went to Havana, on the other hand,
primarily for goods from Spain and Mexico, and for Caribbean products such
as sugar, rum, and coffee. This pattern of commodity flow is apparent both in
cargo manifests for individual ships and in overall trends in imports. For
example, in February 1787 at least three ships were at anchor in the quiet
waters of the Matanzas. Domingo Martinelli, Italian-born captain of the
schooner San Pedro , had just completed a voyage to Philadelphia, one of six
voyages which colonial shipping records show he would make that year,
including two to Havana (EFP, Bundles 215G17 and 216H17, reels 92-93,
February 5, 1787). Also in port was the sloop San Abiguel, captained by its
owner, Miguel Yznardy, the colonial translator, who had just arrived from
New York. The third vessel in port, the schooner Maria, captained by Don
Jose Aguirre, had been to Havana and was already off-loading its cargo.
The consignments of these ships tell us much about St. Augustine's
economic life-line in the 1780s and 1790s. All of these ships were locally
owned, private merchantmen engaged either on private business or under
contract to the governor to bring emergency supplies. Their ports of call and
cargos accurately reflect the pattern of commodity flow that characterized
Spanish East Florida (see Cusick 1991). Trade with U.S. ports, though not
completely free of restrictions until 1793, was already routine and crucial to
the colony's food supply. The hold of the ship from Philadelphia contained
100 barrels of flour, 3 pipes of brandy, 10 barrels of beans, 30 barrels and 37 kegs
of lard, 43 barrels of butter, 400 pounds of salted fish, 500 strings of onions, 400
pounds of cheese, 12 kegs of barley, 4 barrels of rice, and 45 kegs of biscuit.
Yznardy's ship from New York held a similar cargo: 56 barrels of
turpentine, 2 barrels of nails, 60 barrels of potatos, 16 barrels of beef, 20 barrels
of butter, 10 barrels of lard, 1600 strings of onions, 12 barrels of bread, 1000
pounds of cheese, 14 barrels of salted fish, and other goods (EFP, "Shipping
Arrivals," Bundles 215G17 and 216H17, reels 92-93, February 6, 1787).
The cargo from Havana typifed the other pole of St. Augustine's trade
network. Private trade to Havana concentrated on importing products of
Spain, Mexico, and the Caribbean (see Cusick 1991: 289-294 and Table 4). The
Maria held consignments of sugar and rum from Cuba, brandy from Spain
and the Canaries, wine and pottery from Catalonia, and shoes from
Campeche. Government and family connections between Havana and St.
Augustine were also apparent, not only in consignments of goods, but in
transfers of money. Thus Captain Aguirre brought 750 pesos fuertes for Don
Antonio Fernandez, captain of the dragoons, and 500 pesos fuertes for Don
Miguel O'Reilly, the parish priest (EFP, "Shipping Arrivals," Bundles 215G17
and 216H17, reels 92-93, February 3, 1787).
Records on food imports for the years 1787, 1794, and 1803 provide
similar data. Foodstuffs were the major imported good throughout the late
colonial period (see Cusick 1991). As shown in Table 4-7, most grains, meats,
and other staples came from ports in the United States (see also Cusick 1991;
Tornero Tinajero 1979). The principle commodity from Havana was sugar.
Table 4-7. Food Imported into St. Augustine 1787, 1794, 1803
(value in pesos)
Source: Cusick 1991: 290, Table 4.
Commerce was also essential to providing St. Augustine with other
commodities. Like all Spanish American markets, consumerism in St.
Augustine was rewritten by the emerging Industrial Revolution. Spanish
colonists had always been apt to trade with British, Dutch, or French
merchants; the trade, though illegal, was the cheapest means-sometimes the
only means-of acquiring goods (Grahn 1991: 175-178; Harman 1969; Parry
1966: 293-297). In the late eighteenth century, however, European
manufactures flooded American markets. This was in part due to the rise of
the British navy and merchant marine, in part due to lifting of Spanish trade
restrictions, and in part due to the growth of mass-production in goods like
textiles and tablewares (Brading 1987: 316-137).
The extent to which St. Augustine relied upon imports may seem
exorbitant. In actuality, it was probably not far out of line with economic
activity in surrounding areas. Previous chapters noted the huge market Cuba
provided for imports from the United States. In addition, research into
consumerism in the Thirteen Colonies suggested that, on average, by the
time of the American Revolution colonies spent approximately 30 percent of
per capita income on imported goods (Shammas 1990). Nor was the demand
for imports much different from that evinced in Spanish Florida. "Great
quantities of sugar, rum, tea, textiles, clothing, and in some places grain
flooded in" (Shammas 1990: 292).
But to study consumer behavior in St. Augustine, we must also
assume there was variability in the type of goods available. Did people have a
choice about what they could buy? Again, the colonial records suggest that
Some evidence for a cash economy and variable pricing in St.
Augustine comes from the correspondence of the governor. In a letter to his
superiors in 1784-1785, Zespedes beleaguered the colonies need for more
currency, saying, "I have learned to my great sorrow, that there are days
when, though the plaza be filled with produce, not one real's worth can be
sold. ... I must respectfully bring to Your Excellency's attention that unless
funds arrive soon to pay the debts and to provide a medium of circulation in
the town for the purchase of the produce of the small farmers and the
payment of wages to laborers, the garrison will be left without its last recourse
for obtaining food, and the Minorcans will all have left" (Lockey 1949: 571,
573). In a letter from the same period, the governor complained about the
high prices of goods shipped through Havana, arguing that unless the colony
had access to cheaper products from the United States, survival in St.
Augustine would be impossible (Lockey 1949).
An even clearer demonstration of price differentials, however, comes
from shipping manifests. Commodities ranged widely in their quality and
cost. Cloth offers a particularly good illustration.
Cloth was one of St. Augustine's biggest imports and probably no other
commodity had as a broad a range in quality and cost. Shipping and probate
records provide ample evidence for variations in price (based on the
equivalency of 8 reales » 1 peso = approximately $1). For the gentry, shops sold
the materials typically preferred for making greatcoats, cloaks, and frockcoats:
bayeton, a heavy and probably waterproofed woolen similar to baize, at 4 to 6
reajes per vara; velveteen (the finest at 28 reales per vara, the cheapest at 6
reales per vara) for frockcoats; and taffeta, at 8 reales per vara, typically used
for linings. Lace cost up to 5 pesos per vara and silk sold at 6 to 7 pesos per
Of more moderate price were the textiles required for everday wear:
muslin, typically used for shifts, underclothes, and women's gowns, at 4 to 9
reales per vara; and baize, serge, fustian, linen, and printed cotton at about 4
reajes per vara. Cheaper still were calimanco, a twilled woolen, at 1 to 2 reales
per vara, and coleta, the Oznaburgh cloth made from cotton waste and
frequently bought in bulk by plantation owners to produce clothing for slaves.
In between the extremes was a range of textiles from throughout Europe,
including Irlandes (Irish linen), Bretaha (a linen made in Brittany), Platilla (a
French weave), Bramante florete and Rollo (both from Germany) and Mahon
(a cloth from the Balearics).
Hats could cost up to 6 reales each, stockings up to 8 reales per pair (but
the cheapest were only 2 reales) , and shoes anything from 6 to 10 reales a pair.
The cheapest saddle cost 6 pesos . Earthenwares will be discussed more
extensively in ensuing chapters, but it is worth noting that a set of dishes was
a relatively minor expense: 12 dinner plates for 6 reales . By contrast, a tea
kettle or coffee pot, whether metal or ceramic, cost between 6 and 12 reales a
piece. Tureens and cups and saucers were also considerably more expensive
than plates. Prices for different kinds or earthenwares are presented in
Late Colonial Household Sites in St. Augustine
The stage is thus set for a consideration of the basic research question in
this study: whether households were more similar by virtue of ethnic
background or of social class. To answer this requires an investigation into
the daily life of colonists as reflected in materials recovered archaeologically
and this investigation will be the subject of the next five chapters. The next
chapter uses available colonial probates to compare the costume of Spaniards
and Minorcans in St. Augustine. The other chapters of analysis focus on six
households with archaeological assemblages and compare earthenwares and
faunal remains from these sites. The final task here is to introduce and
familiarize the reader with these households and present basic data about
both them and the sites with which they are associated.
Tables 4-8 and 4-9 present data on the six households represented by
archaeological assemblages in this study. Table 4-8 gives the site designation,
the name of the household head, the occupation of the household head, and
the ethnic affiliation of the household. Table 4-9 contains data on household
size and several criteria for socioeconomic position.
Table 4-8. Sites and Their Household Heads
Head of household
Juan Jose Bousquet
Table 4-9. Household Size and Socioeconomic Rank
1790 Tax Value of Residence
(reales) (pesos) Rank
Source: Census returns for 1784-1814, EFP Bundle 232A, Reel 148; Property
tax assessment for 1790, EFP Bundle 364, Reel 52; EFP Testamentary
Proceedings, Bundle 301-319, Reels 139-146, for the years 1803, 1813
1815, 1816, and 1817.
Household size was calculated for the year nearest to the terminus post
quern for archaeological deposits at the site. Socioeconomic variables were
the number of slaves owned by the household, tax assessment of lots in 1790,
value of each household's main residence, and the value of total estate. It
was not possible to assess household socioeconomic position from any one of
these variables, since they are not reported in all cases. Households were
ranked based on the data presented in Table 4-9, weighted by the value of
their estate. Gaspar Papy owned three properties in addition to his residence,
so his rank was adjusted upwards. Households were never given the same
rank. They progress from most affluent (ranked 1) to least affluent (ranked 6).
The Usina household was ranked in higher socioeconomic position than the
Triay household based on the 1790 tax assessment of the properties. The
house assessment for Triay is of a later masonry house that post-dates the
period represented by archaeological materials used in this study.
The following discussion covers the excavation histories of the above
sites, the proveniences used, and more information on the occupants. The
locations of the sites in St. Augustine are shown in Figure 3.
Sites in St. Augustine are generally identified by their occupants in the
eighteenth-century First Spanish Period and by their block and lot numbers as
recorded on colonial maps. The site names are given here in the first
instance, but sites will subsequently be identified by either their site number
or by the late colonial occupants.
SA-7-6, the de Mesa Site
This was the home of Juan Sanchez, the master of the shipyard for the
colonial government. Sanchez was born in Puerto Real, Andalusia, Spain,
and was married in Cuba to Maria del Carmen Castaneda, who was born in St.
Augustine during the First Spanish Period. The Sanchez family owned a
two-story masonry house of coquina block on St. George Street near the
Minorcan Quarter and drew an annual salary of 420 pesos .
re r— t
XJ — '
Colonial records show Sanchez buying and then selling off schooners
at various times, suggesting that he might have augmented his income by
repairing vessels for resale. Sanchez died in 1802 leaving the household in
the hands of his widow and his son-in-law, Tomas de Aguilar, an official on
the governor's staff. The value of the estate at the time of Sanchez' death was
5815 pesos . The Sanchezes continued to live at the site throughout the late
colonial period. An 1814 census listed 19 people in the household: Castaneda,
Aguilar and his wife, six children, and ten slaves.
SA-7-6 is owned by the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. The
site was excavated in 1977 and 1978 as part of a project to restore the house
and property (see Bostwick 1978; Deagan 1977). The archaeological assemblage
for this site was drawn from a series of interrelated trash pits located in the
backyard of the house. The terminus post quern for these deposits was 1813
(based on Ironstone China). Excavation followed standard field methods
employed in St. Augustine. Proveniences were excavated in natural strata
and by arbitrary levels of 10 centimeters within large proveniences
representing one depositional episode. All materials were water-screened
through 1/4 inch hardcloth. Soil samples were taken to recover botanical and
minute faunal material.
SA-26-1. the de Leon Site
This site represented the Spanish household of Juan Jose Bousquet, the
surgeon employed by the military hospital. Bousquet was a native of Ciudad
de Puerto de Santa Maria Cadiz, Spain, and was married to Maria Blanco, also
a native of Spain. He drew an annual salary of 400 pesos as surgeon major to
the hospital, supplemented by an income from his orange groves outside of
town. He was also president of the Junta de Caridad, a charitable organization
or cofradia . A census of 1793 lists seven people in his household: Bousquet,
his wife, two daughters, a sister-in-law and her daughter, and one slave. The
Bousquet family had as many as nine slaves but only three are listed in his
probate record and only one seems to have lived with the family (Zierden
1981: 37). Bousquet's probate record includes a valuation of his estate and
lands at approximately 4000 pesos . This included his two-story masonry
house of coquina block located on Marine Street to the south of the plaza. His
actual estate was probably worth closer to 4500 pesos as many items, including
cloths, the books in his library, and 141 pesos in coin, were inventoried but
not included in the assessment.
SA-26-1 is owned by Fred White of St. Augustine. Fieldwork at the site
was carried out between 1976 and 1979 under the direction of Kathleen
Deagan (see Braley 1977; Singleton 1977; Zierden and Caballero 1979; Zierden
1981). It is the only late colonial occupation which has been extensively
treated prior to the present study. A masters thesis by Zierden characterized
Bousquet as "one of the more prominent well-educated men in St.
Augustine" and found that his material culture was cosmopolitan and drawn
from around the world (1981: 7, 37). The assemblage used here consists of
materials recovered by Zierden and Caballero from two wells (Features 48 and
54). The terminus post quern for the assemblage is 1795 (delicately hand-
painted polychrome pearlware). Field methods were the same as at SA-7-6.
SA-34-3, the Segui-Kirbv Smith Site (formerly Public Libra ry Sitp)
This was the household of Bernardo Segui, a merchant and baker. The
1786 census lists his household as consisting of Segui, 44, from Minorca, his
wife Agueda Villalonga, 33, also of Minorca, four daughters, ages 11, 9, 7, and
4, and two sons, ages 6 and 2. The household also included one male and one
female slave. In 1814, a year after Segui's death, the census records his widow
and two unmarried daughters living at the family house on Aviles Street, the
site of excavations for this study. The family at that time had eight slaves but
it is unclear whether they lived at the main house or on lands which the
Seguis held outside of town.
Segui was prominent in the St. Augustine community. His brothers-
in-law, Pedro Cosifacio and Domingo Martinelli, were important members of
the Minorcan community who jointly ran a family shipping syndicate
(Griffin 1990: 186-192). Segui at times acted as captain aboard his brothers-in-
laws' ships on trading expeditions and also received lucrative contracts from
the colonial government to supply the garrison at the Castillo de San Marcos
with bread. One Segui daughter married into the Minorcan Cavedo family
and another married the Spanish official Dimas Cortes, second in charge at
the colonial treasury. Segui served for a time as captain of the Minorcan
militia and was frequently called upon to do assessments for probate
inventories, including the estates of Fr. Pedro Camps, the priest in charge of
the Minorcan parish, Pedro Jose Salcedo, captain of artillery, and Enrique
White, a governor of the colony. The Seguis owned a two-and-a-half story
masonry house of coquina on Aviles Street in the affluent neighborhood
south of the plaza. The property included a separate bakery at the back.
According to Seguis probate of 1813, the house and bakery together were
worth 5611 pesos and his total estate was valued at 14,049 pesos . As can be
seen from the socioeconomic ranking in Table 4-9, the Seguis were the most
affluent household examined in this study and probably represented one of
the wealthiest Minorcan families in St. Augustine.
SA-34-3 is owned by the St. Augustine Historical Society. Fieldwork at
the site was carried out during 1978-1981 under the direction of Kathleen
Deagan (see Deagan 1978; Johnson 1981) and again in 1991 by the author.
Material used in this study was drawn from the 1991 excavations and came
from one lens of a large multi-lensed trash pit at the back of the main house
(Cusick 1993). The terminus post quern for this deposit is 1805 (even scallop,
straight line shell edge pearlware). The deposit also contained a coin dated
1788. Field methods were the same employed at other St. Augustine sites.
Materials were waterscreened through 1/4" hardware cloth and 1/16"
finescreen. Soil samples were taken for floatation.
SA-35-2, the Sisters Site
This was the household of Gasper Papy, a Greek born in Smyrna, who
arrived in Florida with the Minorcans at the age of 17 (Griffin 1990: 16). He
was married to Ana Pons, from Minorca. The 1786 census lists no other
members in their household but the Papys had at least two daughters,
mentioned as heirs in Gaspar's probate inventory of 1817. Papy apparently
started out as a farmer cultivating two-and-a-half acres of land, and between
1787 and 1794 acquired ownership of a lot to the south of the plaza, for which
he paid 250 pesos . He eventually became a storekeeper and owner of at least
three other properties around town (Griffin 1990: 122; Parker 1989). His
property at SA-35-2, on the northeast corner of St. George and Bridge Streets,
was described in probate as having a wooden house with tabby floor, a
separate kitchen and an almacen. or warehouse, collectively worth 1380 pesos .
This was one of four properties he owned, their collective value being
approximately 5390 pesos . His estate at the time of his death in 1817 was
valued at more than 8000 pesos .
SA-35-2 is owned by the Convent of the Sisters of St. Joseph. The site
was excavated in 1989 by Mary Herron and Chris Newman as a project for the
city of St. Augustine to mitigate construction of a new building on the
property. Data for this study come from the contents of a privy with a
terminus post quern of 1805. This is based on a pearlware mug bearing the
image of Horatio Nelson and probably dating to the period immediately after
Nelson's 1805 victory at Trafalgar. The deposit also contained a coin dated
1799. Field methods were the same as at the sites above. Fine screens were
not used in recovery; however, soil samples were taken for floatation.
SA-12-26, the Ribera Gardens Site
This site was the residence of the Minorcan Triay family. The 1786
census describes the household members as Juan Triay, 32, from Minorca, his
wife Juana Ximenes, 35, from Minorca, Juana's son from an earlier marriage,
age 9, three additional sons, ages 5, 4, and 2, and one male slave (Rasico 1987:
177). Triay was a farmer who worked a plot of land outside the city to the
north. The Triays obtained the property during the British Period and
continued to reside on it for the first half of the Second Spanish Period. They
were involved in legal disputes with a Spanish family which also claimed the
property as part of its inheritance. The house at SA-12-26 was described as a
wooden structure of cypress with a palm thatch roof on a lot owned by the
Crown (Parker n.d.). The Triays financial condition apparently improved
over time and in 1806 Triay built a two-story masonry house on a different lot
but still within the Minorcan Quarter (Griffin 1990). This later house was
assessed in his 1816 probate at 337 pesos in an estate totaling 1215 pesos .
SA-12-26 is owned by the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. It
was excavated in 1988 by Stanley Bond of the Historic St. Augustine
Preservation Board (Bond 1992). The assemblage used here came from
numerous trashpits. These deposits had a terminus post quern of 1799 (based
on Mocha annular ware) and contained a coin dated 1787.
SA-16-23, the de la Cruz Site
This was the household of the Usina family. The 1786 census lists the
household as Bartolome Usina, 46, from Minorca, his wife, Maria, 38, from
Minorca, and a daughter, 2. Another daughter, 14, was living in a
neighboring household (Griffin 1990: 168). Usina was a farmer who owned
land to the north of town. The 1788 Rocque map of St. Augustine and the
1790 tax assessment described his house as timber frame with a palm thatch
roof and located on a lot owned by the Crown.
Excavations at SA-16-23 were carried out in 1972-1973 and resulted in a
master's thesis (McMurray 1975) and dissertation (Deagan 1974). The data for
this study were drawn from Feature 37 in the 1972 field season, a barrel well
dating to the Usina occupation. Terminus post quern for the deposit was 1813
(based upon recovery of a Newcastle Upon Tyne slipware dish or milkpan
marked "1813;" see McMurray 1975: 109).
Probate records exist for five of these six households. However, with
the exception of the Bousquet household, the probates lack inventories of
movable household possessions. Those for Sanchez and Segui are primarily
assessments for houses and land. The probates for Papy and Triay also
include inventories of merchandise held for sale and sporadic assessments of
household goods. Thus, archaeological data are the most detailed source of
information for material culture. However, one category of evidence was
deemed important enough to present here, even though it required going
beyond the limits of the archaeological sample. Costume has traditionally
been a prominent marker both of socioeconomic and ethnic differences
between people. Hence, all available Spanish and Minorcan probate records
for the late colonial period were reviewed for information on dress. These
are presented in the next chapter. Subsequent chapters focus on analysis of
archaeologically recovered materials from the sites noted above. In
comparing site assemblages, the focus was on ceramic assemblages, as
discussed in Chapters 6 and 7, and on foodways and diet, as discussed in
Chapters 8 and 9.
A COMPARISON OF SPANISH AND MINORCAN DRESS
Clothing has been important throughout history not only to protect
people from environmental conditions, but also to demarcate social
affiliations. It is probably the most visible symbol of identity in community
life. In St. Augustine, inventories of personal dress provide the best evidence
for differences in the material culture of Spanish and Minorcan colonists.
The evidence is sporadic and conclusions tentative, but a review of available
probate records suggests that Spanish and Minorcan dress in St. Augustine
followed fashions and traditions prevalent in Spain and Minorca. As such,
clothing seems to have been one aspect of material culture which demarcated
Spaniards and Minorcans.
Historians of the development of costume have covered in great detail
the differences in material and style that characterized dress among the
gentility, townsfolk, and peasantry of France, Germany, England, and Spain
(Anderson 1979; Davenport 1956; Kohler 1963; Laver 1988; Payne 1965). By the
sixteenth century, costume in Europe varied widely according to region and
fashion. Just as important to trends in dress, however, were economic and
social factors. As trade with the Americas and Asia brought in new fabric
materials and as cloth production became a major industry, more elaborate
costume spread from court to the professional classes to shopkeepers, artisans,
and laborers. A review of the evolution of European dress from 1500 to 1800
is not possible within the scope of this study. However, the eighteenth
century in many respects represents a cohesive chapter in the history of
fashion and provides the necessary background to costume in Spain and
Late Eighteenth-Century Costume in Spain and Minorca
By the eighteenth century, Spain had lost the dominant influence it
had exercised over European fashion during the period 1500 to 1650
(Anderson 1979). Throughout the 1700s costume in Spain followed the
dictates of dress in France and England, varying more in elements of style
than in components of dress. Male costume consisted of articles of clothing
that had been in use, in one form or another, since the 1680s (Kohler 1963:
333-340; Laver 1988: 133-116). Garments basic to the male attire of the nobility,
military, and middle-classes were the shirt (camisa), breeches ( calzones) ,
stockings ( medias) , and buckled shoes. Shirts were adorned at the cuff and
down the breast with ruffles (bolantes) and at the collar with neckcloth
( pahuelo) or cravat (corbatin). Over this went a sleeveless vest (chaleco) or
long-sleeved and skirted waistcoat ( chupa) , a long, full-skirted coat ( casaca) or
a swallow-tailed frockcoat, and a cape ( capa) or greatcoat ( capote) .
Spanish terminology for articles of dress are loosely translatable into
English equivalents, but carry connotations of style and cut which escape easy
translation. Hence, it is worth defining certain terms within their Spanish
context. The main outer garments of male dress were the casaca, the chaleco.
the chupa , and the capote. According to an 1817 edition of the Diccionario de
la Lengua Castellana published by the Royal Academy, Madrid, these articles
of clothing were described as follows [author's trans.]:
The casaca was "una vestidura con mangas que llegan hasta la muneca,
y con faldillas hasta la rodilla" (a coat with sleeves that reached to the wrist
and skirts to the knee). According to Kohler, this garment had its origins in
the sixteenth century: "Popular and universally worn as the Spanish doublet
then was, it was chiefly a summer garment. In winter men wore instead of it
a coat made like it, but with a skirt reaching nearly to the knees. This coat,
called casaque, and often beautifully trimmed, was worn even in summer by
manservants, pages, and grooms" (1963: 296). The direct model of the
eighteenth century casaca was the French justaucorps. a long skirted coat
arranged for buttoning with large turned-back cuffs (Kohler 1963: 308).
The chupa was "parte del vestido que cubre el tronco del cuerpo con
faldillas de la cintura abajo y con mangas ajustadas a los brasos" (part of the
clothing that covered the trunk of the body with skirts or coat-tails from the
waist downwards and with sleeves fitted to the arms). For much of the
eighteenth century it functioned as a waistcoat. However, by 1790, a
sleeveless waistcoat, much like a modern vest, replaced this earlier form
(Davenport 1956, Vol. II: 698-699). In Spanish, the vest-like garment was
called the chaleco , "una especie de justillo sin mangas ni faldillas" (a type of
waistcoat or jerkin without sleeves or skirts). It could be worn underneath a
chupa but more usually was worn with the casaca . A variation was the
veston, also sleeveless but retaining the skirts of the earlier waistcoat (Kohler
1963: 357, 385-387).
The capote was "una capa hecha de albornoz, barragan, pano u otra tela
doble, que sirve para el abrigo y para resistir el agua, diferenciase en la
hechura de la capa comun solo en que el cuello por lo regular es redondo" (a
cape or cloak made of coarse woolen, waterproofed camlet, woolen, or other
thick or doubled fabric that served as a coat and to keep off rain, differing in
manufacture from the common cape only in that the collar was usually
rounded). The capote had been a component of Spanish dress since at least
the early sixteenth century and was often hooded (Anderson 1979: 111). The
capa, or cloak, was also worn as protection from the weather. In Madrid and
other large cities, capas and soft brimmed hats were essential protection
against blowing dust and garbage (Kany 1932: 37).
Womens' fashion changed throughout the eighteenth century. The
awkward farthingale, a framework for billowing out the skirts of a dress, went
out of fashion about midcentury, but was reintroduced into court costume by
Marie Antoinette in 1774 (Kohler 1963: 359). The other elements of dress
were the corset, petticoats, bodice, underdress and overdress.
The most distinctively Spanish element of female dress was the
mantilla, a cloth or lace- work veil, which came into general use around 1700
(Espinosa 1970: 42). The custom for women to wear head coverings instead of
hats had a long history in Spain and the mantilla was both preceded and
supplanted by other forms of shawl or veil (Espinosa 1970).
This basic garb changed with the political and cultural conditions of the
times. In France, the Revolution caused an over-night alteration in daily
dress. "Rich and poor alike were careful to dress as negligently as possible, for
anyone whose outward appearance brought him under suspicion of being an
aristocrat went in danger of his life. During that time even wealthy men
went about wearing the blue linen pantaloons and short jacket of the working
man and the red cap of the galley slave-the symbol of the Jacobins" (Kohler
1963: 374). With the rise of Napolean, there was a return to elaborate and
ornamented dress, notable in the costume of the French Incroyables.
English fashion also made itself felt with the adoption of the English
riding coat, or frock. This was a knee-length coat with the front skirts cut
away so that the wearer could more easily sit astride a horse. The back skirts
had a tapering, swallow-tail shape. In Spain, both the full-skirted casaca and
the frock coat were popular and were made with wide, flailing lapels as seen
in such portraits as Goya's Sebastian Martinez (1792), Gaspar Melchor de
Tovellanos (1788), and Bartolome Sureda (1804-1806) (Perez Sanchez and Sayre
1989). By the 1790s, pantalones, ankle length trousers worn very tight, were
also becoming popular and began to replace breeches, although the latter
continued to be essential for formal dress.
While male dress underwent modifications, womens' dress changed
radically. Commenting on the period 1800-1810, Laver says "perhaps at no
period between primitive times and the 1920s had women worn so little"
(1988: 155). The corset and petticoats were abandoned in favor of low cut,
diaphanous gowns. Women covered their shoulders and filled in the neck
line with rich, overlapping shawls. That this change was felt even in Spain
can be seen in Goya's portraits of Condesa de Chinchon (1800) and Marquesa
de Santa Cruz (1805) (Perez Sanchez and Sayre 1989).
In Spain, the changes in fashion were apparent in the sharp disparity
between dress influenced by French fashion and more regional,
conservatively oriented dress. According to Kany, the two distinctive trends
in Spanish costume between 1760 and 1800 were vestir de militar. a modern
costume favored by the military and based on French models, and national
costume, a continuation of local and regional dress among people openly
hostile to French influence in Spain. Vestir de militar was the costume of the
court, the army, and the bourgeosie (see Figure 4) and denoted the elements
of coat, waistcoat, breeches or pantaloons, and cravat. The petimetre. or
Spanish dandy, "wore a snuggly fitting casaca, which fell in folds like a skirt
below the waist, a lavishly embroidered chupa, a scarlet cape, and yards of
Figure 4: Vestir de Militar. Major elements of male military and civilian
dress in late eighteenth-century Spain. The vest is probably a
sleeveless veston rather than a chupa.
material for the cravat" (Kany 1932: 178). In contrast was the costume of the
fashionable lower class in Madrid, the majos and majas, who made a point of
rejecting anything French. "The ma jo wore close-fitting breeches, stockings,
buckled slippers, waist-coat, short jacket, and a large sash ( faja) " with a cape
over all (Kany 1932: 222). Goya depicts both types of dress in his portraiture of
gentry and poor.
Information is also available about costume on Minorca. Some notion
of the dress of typical Minorcans can be obtained from paintings of a
Minorcan man and women in the collection of the St. Augustine Historical
Society and reproduced in Griffin (1990: 177-178). Their costume contains
some of the same elements as that of the majos and majas (see Figure 5). The
man is depicted in a long sleeve shirt and a sleeveless vest squared-off at the
bottom, knee breechs secured by a belt, gaiters, sandles, and a wide-brimmed
hat. The cloth hanging over one shoulder may represent a capa or cloak.
The woman wears an underdress and over it a tight-fitting long sleeved
bodice or jacket, an ankle length skirt, an apron, and low, slip on shoes. Her
head is covered with a rebozilla, a shawl-like half circle of cloth, arranged like
a habit. This was a traditional Minorcan article of female dress that fulfilled
the same function as the mantilla .
These paintings agree with a description of Minorcan costume in The
History of the Island of Minorca (1756), written by John Armstrong, an
English engineer stationed on Minorca in the mid-eighteenth century, and
cited in a more recent ethnohistory by Quinn (Armstrong 1756: 206; 1975: 10-
11): "The Dress of the lower Rank of the Men consists of a loose short Coat, a
Waistcoat, and a red worsted Girdle going many times round the Belly, or a
broad Leather belt; a coarse Shirt, a colored Handkerchief about the Neck, a
red Worsted Cap, a Pair of Breeches reaching almost to the Ankles, coarse
Figure 5: Major elements of male dress on Minorca. Not shown is the
short jacket typically worn in place of a coat.
Stockings and broad flat shoes with no heels, made of white leather, a flapped
Hat, and a Cloak."
"Country women wore a close waistcoat of black cloth opening wide at
the neck, and closely buttoned at the wrist, where the end of the shirtsleeve
was turned up. A petticoat of colored cloth, or printed linen, was tied at the
waist and gathered full to make the women seem large about the hips. The
dress seldom reached below the middle of the leg. Their stockings were vari-
colored, either red, blue or green, or clocks of other colors. They wore white
leather shoes, with moderate heels, broad at the toes, and the shoes were full
of small holes, considered cool and ornamental. They wore a veil on their
head, called a rebazilla [sic], made of white or printed linen and sometimes of
silk. This was pinned close under the chin, and fell about the shoulders"
(Quinn 1975: 11).
Like the majos of Madrid, Minorcan males seem to have worn short
jackets in place of the casaca of the Spanish court and military and they
draped themselves in cloaks as an essential component of dress. Wealthier
males had their clothes cut in English fashion. However, the costume of
jacket and cloak seems to have prevailed as the distinctive Minorcan dress. A
twentieth-century history observed: "The men formerly affected the cape--the
capa madrilena-and if one appeared in the winter without it he was not
considered to be fully attired. . . . Among the country people a short blue
jacket is very common, covering a woolen shirt with buttons in front"
(Chamberlain 1927: 133-134).
Spanish and Minorcan Costume in St. Augustine
From a total of 48 Spanish and Minorcan probate records available in
the East Florida Papers from the Second Spanish Period, 18 probates contained
inventories of clothing. Of these, 13 were Spaniards and 5 Minorcans, and all
were male. The probates ranged in date from 1788 to 1817. The remaining
probates had assessments of property and dwellings but little or no
information on other personal property.
This data set was a small sample. The names and occupations of the
individuals represented are given in Table 5-1 and reflect the same
distribution of occupations noted in the previous chapter. Most of the
Spaniards were military officers, public officials, or merchants. The five
Minorcans represented consisted of the parish priest, a merchant, two
artisans, and a sailor. It should be mentioned that Bousquet, the surgeon, was
the only person who was represented both in these probate records and in the
archaeological sample of later chapters. The Usina mentioned here was of a
different family from the Usinas who will shortly be encountered as part of
the archaeological sample.
Notwithstanding the small sample size, the inventories reflected the
same range of clothing articles noted in costume histories of Spain in this
period. Indeed, some vestiges of Spanish colonial dress seem to have
surived into the American Period after 1821 and continued to be stereotypical
markers of people of Spanish and Minorcan descent. For example, a poem by
Ralph Waldo Emerson, written during a stay in St. Augustine in 1827,
contains the lines:
The dark Minorcan, sad and separate,
Wrapt in his cloak, strolls with unsocial eyes
By day, basks idle in the sun, then seeks his food
All night upon the waters, stilly plying
His hook and line in all the moonlit bays,
(cited in Rasico 1990: 83)
Even into the twentieth century, the word capote was still used by
people of Spanish and Minorcan heritage in St. Augustine to denote a coat or
outer garment (Beeson 1960; Rasico 1990).
Given the wide range of textiles imported into St. Augustine, reviewed
briefly in the previous chapter, eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century
clothing could be made from many fabrics. Capotes and capas were
commonly of velveteen or corduroy ( pana) or a waterproofed woolen( pano)
or baize ( bayeton) . Casacas and frock coats could be Irish or other linen,
velveteen, corduroy, Mahon (a cloth made in the Balearics), kerseymere (a
type of baize), or wool. Chupas, chalecos, breeches, and pantalones were made
from all of the above, as well as from cotton, chintz, and silk. Shirts were
either cotton or linen.
In assessing the elements of dress in the probate records, the data base
was divided according to ethnic affiliation and by an estimate of wealth. This
was done so that Spaniards and Minorcans could be compared within
socioeconomic strata to control for the effects of difference in income.
Individuals were ranked by two criteria: the total amount spent on clothing
and the assessed value of all movable goods in the house. The value of
movable goods proved to be a better means of determining relative
socioeconomic position than landed wealth since houses, land, and slaves
were not uniformly reported. In addition, some officers in the Spanish
military who were stationed in St. Augustine seem to have invested their
money primarily in movable goods and did not own houses or land.
The estimated amount spent on clothing was calculated as the value of
all garments but excluded hats, boots, and shoes, which were never of any
significant cost, and also excluded curtains and bed and furniture coverings.
The value of movable property was based on assessements of personal
clothing, precious metals, jewelry and personal items, kitchen furnishings,
and house furniture but excluded assessments for personal libraries and
commercial or store merchandise.
Table 5-1. Names and Occupations of Individuals in Sample
Juan Jose Bousquet
Luciano de Herrera
Chief Officer of the Public Works
Fernando de la Puente
Pedro Jose Salcedo
Jose Maria de la Torre
Vicente Pedro Casaly
Based on this information, data were divided into two groups: Group
A, composed of high income Spaniards, and Group B, made up of middle
income Spaniards and Minorcans. The lack of any Minorcans in Group A
was a product of the documents. The probates of several wealthy Minorcans,
including Bernardo Segui and Gaspar Papy, whose households are included
in the archaeological sample, did not include assessments of movable
The overall distribution of types of clothing in Groups A and B is
presented in Tables 5-2 and 5-3. The first table contains information on basic
elements of costume and the second table focuses on outer garments and
articles of clothing which formed part of the suit, or centro . The Spanish
designations have been retained since several-notably casaca, chaleco, chupa,
and capote -denote specific aspects of costume for which there is no simple
English equivalent. The term fraque, meaning frockcoat, appeared
occasionally in probate inventories and may have been a borrowing from
English "frock" or French "le frac"; it is unclear whether this term was
employed in the probates to differentiate between frockcoat and casaca or
whether the two terms were synonyms. Casaca was by far the more common
term used to designate a long coat.
Some general observations about the data are appropriate. First, there
was abundant evidence in the probates for matched suits of clothing, an
aspect of fashion that became popular in the second half of the eighteenth
century. In cases where the suit, or centro, was itemized it invariably
consisted of a casaca, a chaleco, and calzones ( casaca, sleeveless vest, and knee
breeches). Most males owned several pairs of pantaloons, the tight-fitting
ankle length pants that came increasingly into fashion after 1790. However,
these never supplanted breeches in importance. This perhaps reflects the
continuing importance of breeches as a part of formal attire. It may also be
due to military influence. Most of the Spanish individuals in the probates
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held positions in the military, where breeches were standard dress. Also of
interest is the fact that ruffles for the shirt front and cuffs ( bolantes) seem to
disappear from the probate inventories around 1800. This also conformed to
a change of fashion in European dress.
In comparing Group A and B, the first pattern to emerge clearly from
the data was that basic items of everyday indoor or outdoor use-camisas
(shirts), calzones (breeches), pantalones (long pants), medias (stockings), and
corbatas (cravats)--varied directly with socioeconomic position. As shown by
the means listed in Table 5-4, members of the wealthier group owned, on
average, twice as many articles of clothing in these categories as did either
Spaniards or Minorcans in the middle income group.
The most important difference between Spaniards and Minorcans was
the lack of any mention of cravats in the Minorcan inventories. This may
represent mere oversight on the part of the probate assessors; however, the
cravat was not typical of Old World Minorcan costume.
Data for outer cloths, in contrast, varied more by ethnic background
than by socioeconomic status. The data on casacas, chalecos, chupas, and
capotes are presented in Tables 5-3 and 5-5.
Table 5-4. Mean Number of Shirts, Breeches, Stockings, and Cravats
Group Camisas Calzones Medias Corbatas/Panuelos
Spaniards (A) 11.9 9.9 12.9 12.0
Spaniards (B) 6.6 5.6 - 6.2
Minorcans (B) 6.7 5.8 5.0
Source: EFP, "Testamentary Proceedings," Bundles 301-319, Reels 134-
146b. Means were calculated based on the data presented in
Table 5-2 and did not include entries with missing values.
Table 5-5. Mean Number of Outer Garments
Group Casaca Chupa Chaleco Chaqueta Capote Centro
Source: EFP "Testamentary Proceedings," Bundles 301-319, Reels 134-
146b. Means were calculated based on the data presented in Table
5-3 and did not include entries with missing values.
With so small a sample of records, it is difficult to rule out sampling
bias as a factor underlying differences in the outer costume. Occupation
clearly could have affected daily dress. For example, Pedro Camps, the
Minorcan parish priest, would have had no use for a casaca . The Spaniards
represented, on the other hand, were all either military officials, government
officials, or merchants. The relatively greater proportion of casacas and suits
owned by the Spaniards (see Table 5-5) can be explained in part by wealth, but
was probably also due to their careers. The casaca, as an article of clothing,
was a mark of gentility and was also a standard part of military uniform. The
probates suggest, for instance, that ownership of either a casaca or a capote
made of pano azul (blue woolen cloth) was a virtual requirement for Spanish
officers and officials in St. Augustine. Juan Jose Bousquet, the surgeon, was
the only Spanish public official whose inventory failed to mention at least
one such garment. Aside from the fact that blue was a popular color around
the beginning of the nineteenth century (Davenport 1956: 799), it was also one
of the official colors of Spanish uniform. Goya's portraits of leading
Spaniards, from the king down to local officials, show them wearing blue
casacas over red vests and breeches (see plates in Perez Sanchez and Sayre
1989, and in Reparaz 1984). Military color varied according to regiment and
time period, but the cut and color of uniforms were strictly regulated (Kany
1932: 233). The Hibernians, stationed in St. Augustine, had coats of red
( encarnada) until 1802, and then had sky blue ( celeste) or blue ( azul) coats
throughout the early nineteenth century (Clonard 1857: 327)). The Havana
regiments, also part of the St. Augustine garrison, had blue coats from 1794 to
1805, white and red coats between 1805 and 1815, and blue again after 1815
(Clonard 1857: 427). Illustrations of Spanish military dress, such as that
depicted in Figure 4, suggest that the basic outer dress for uniforms consisted
of casaca, waistcoat, and breeches. The regulation waistcoat for uniforms may
have been the chupa but was more likely the veston, the skirted version of
the chaleco .
Even taking occupation into consideration, however, the difference in
the types of coat and waistcoat most commonly present in Spanish and
Minorcan inventories was striking. There was considerable similarity
between Spaniards in both the high and middle income groups. The chief
differences between these groups could be explained by level of income.
Upper income Spaniards tended to own more casacas and about twice as
many suits ( centros) as those in the lower group.
In the Minorcan sample, on the other hand, ownership of suits was
rare and casacas and chalecos were also less in evidence than in the Spanish
sample. However, Minorcans tended to own more chupas, the sleeved and
skirted waistcoat. As shown in Table 5-5, the frequency, on average, of casaca s
and chupa s was inversely proportional among wealthy Spaniards, middle
income Spaniards, and middle income Minorcans.
Spanish male costume seems to have conformed closely to what one
would expect for the gentry and the affluent. Casacas and chalecos, either
matched or unmatched, were the necessary fixtures of formal attire and most
Spaniards owned at least one suit of matching material, an additional casaca,
and several chalecos .
Minorcans also wore chalecos and it was this type of vest which was
depicted in a portrait of a Minorcan farmer reproduced in Griffin (1990).
Regardless of occupation, however, the chupa and perhaps the jacket seem to
have been essential parts of Minorcan dress—far more important than with
Spaniards of approximately the same socioeconomic standing. Chupas and
jackets may have served as substitutes for the longer and fuller casaca .
Indeed, in one Minorcan probate the chupa was referred to as a casaquita, or
little casaca . The adoption of short jacket-like coats in St. Augustine would be
in keeping with Minorcan dress in the Old World, where they wore "a loose,
short coat" over a waistcoat. Protection from bad weather would have been
provided by the capa or capote, making the casaca superfluous except as a
symbol of station.
Because the sample used here is small, it cannot assess the influence
that individual taste or upward mobility might have had on personal dress.
These are by no means negligible factors. As noted in the next chapter,
increasing affluence seems to have had a definite influence on the types of
tablewares Spaniards and Minorcans purchased. However, the available
evidence on clothing suggests that at least some portion of the Minorcan
community looked and dressed very differently than Spanish residents even
when they were in the same socioeconomic bracket. Moreover, the
differences in costume lie in those very aspects of dress which differentiated
the costume of Spanish gentry and Minorcan peasant in the Old World. This
continuity from Old World to New is the first evidence that the social
boundary between Spaniards and Minorcans as groups in St. Augustine
extended also into material culture.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INDICES OF CONSUMER BEHAVIOR:
IN SECOND SPANISH PERIOD ST. AUGUSTLME
People worldwide and throughout time have had to provision and
feed the members of their households. By the sixteenth century in Europe
and the New World, this process already involved participation in the
marketplace (Braudel 1979; Shammas 1990; Wolf 1982). There is eloquent
testimony in the works of Fernand Braudel about how much we can learn
from the study of daily life. For Braudel, the concept of "market" entailed
circulation, exchange, and trade in its simplest and earliest manifestations;
this evolved over time into market economies, in which the production and
exchange of commodities were so interrelated that prices fluctuated in unison
and on a worldwide scale (Braudel 1982: 26-58; 223-230). In all senses, a
market, whether local, regional, or global, implies that people rely on
exchange to provision themselves. Through the market, peoples' social life
becomes intertwined with their economic life; the decisions and actions
people take in the marketplace have a direct impact on their material culture.
This chapter is devoted to a consideration of consumer behavior in St.
Augustine and the methodological issues of addressing this topic
archaeologically. From a consideration of costume, we turn to another aspect
of material culture, one which is ubiquitous at archaeological sites:
earthenwares. As will be noted below, plates, teawares, and utilitarian
earthenwares are relatively inexpensive and minor parts of household
furnishings. Yet they fill a socio-technic function in human behavior,
carrying messages about social affiliation and behavior (Binford 1972). This
chapter reviews some of the uses historians and archaeologists have made of
ceramic inventories in studies of consumer behavior and also the means of
quantification that have been used. Presentation of data follows in the next
chapter. The methodology employed in studies of diet and foodways and the
presentation of data on this topic from St. Augustine sites will be the subject
of subsequent chapters.
The operation of market economies and the development of mass
marketing and consumerism are topics of shared interest to economists,
sociologists, social psychologists, and, historians, and anthropologists (Henry
1991). Perhaps nowhere is this shared interest more apparent than in the
recent profusion of studies dealing with consumer behavior. The central goal
of these studies is " explaining why goods of differing quality or price were
selected ... by different cultural subgroups in a market economy" (Spencer-
Wood 1987: 9).
For archaeologists, data on consumer behavior provide useful
guidelines for interpreting similarities and differences in assemblages of
materials, whether those assemblages represent households, neighborhoods,
or cultual groups (see Spencer-Wood 1987). A central tenet of archaeology is
that careful excavation and control over data recovery make it possible to
identify patterns in artifact assemblages which reflect patterns in human
behavior (Binford 1972; Schiffer 1988; South 1977a). Consumer behavior
provides archaeologists with the variables that are most likely responsible for
what people purchased and hence their household possessions. As will be
clear from the examples discussed below, the application of consumer
behavior theory to archaeological questions is based on two principles: that
artifact distributions reflect human behavior and that multivariate analyses
offer a means of assessing what types of behavior, or what factors in peoples'
lives, best explain artifact distributions. This returns us to the central focus of
this study: do similarities and differences in the assemblages of sites in this
study correlate with socioeconomic position, ethnic affiliation, or other
Ceramics as a Data Source
The analysis presented in the next chapter follows the majority of
studies cited above in comparing ceramic assemblages from several sites. It
should be noted that the use of tablewares and other earthenwares as a basis
for comparison has been criticized in historical archaeology. Various authors
have noted that households tend to purchase tablewares periodically, usually
spending a sum of money for bulk purchase, and then replacing items only
when they break or when more are required (Friedlander 1991: 27; LeeDecker
1991). This differs from purchase of food and other necessities, which is an
ongoing and continual practice. The same authors have noted that
tablewares, teawares, and earthenwares are usually a minor expense and a
small component of household durables. Based on these facts, they have
expressed scepticism that ceramic assemblages are reliable gauges of
household buying strategy or consumer preference.
In the light of this criticism, some preface is required explaining why
this study selected ceramics as a basis for comparing sites. It must be stated
that the arguments against using tablewares are neither convincing nor well
supported by empirical evidence. It is true that earthenwares represent minor
expenditures when compared with other components of household budgets
(Shammas 1990: 186). Gasco (1992), for instance, has been able to show this
through analysis of probate records in Mexico and it is also reflected in St.
Augustine probate records. It is also true that earthenwares are purchased at
well-spaced intervals (Weatherill 1988). However, these observations
provide no logical basis for objecting to the use of earthenwares as a source of
data. The fact that households probably used earthenwares for long stretches
of time makes these items appropriate, not inappropriate, databases for
archaeological investigation. Even in historical archaeology, where it is
possible to date deposits in narrow time bands, it is unlikely that any
assemblages drawn from a large number of sites represent materials used
during the same day, month, or year. Zooarchaeologists, for example, are
careful to point out that faunal remains do not represent evidence of daily
caloric intake or specific meals; rather they reflect general foodways at sites
(Reitz and Scarry 1985). Ceramic assemblages, since they do not represent
items that were discarded and repurchased on a daily basis, are probably not
subject to variation over minor intervals of time. This should make it easier,
not more difficult, to compare sites from approximately the same time period.
Indeed, the study of ceramics as a means of studying human behavior
is one of the foundations of archaeology in general. In historical archaeology,
ceramics are a type of material culture that preserve equally at all sites, can be
assigned to a time period, and can be referenced in primary and secondary
sources. Beyond this, it has been repeatedly demonstrated that, criticisms
notwithstanding, ceramics do in fact reflect consumer behavior.
Studies of Consumer Behavior
One of the most common, and consequently best-developed, methods
used to study consumer behavior in earlv modern times is the examination
of people's probate inventories. Historians have employed this method to
compare ownership of different categories of household goods with social
parameters of life, such as peoples' net worth, disposable income, and
occupation. Two studies of particular interest are those of Lorna Weatherill
(1988) and Carole Shammas (1990) for British and British-American
households in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Their methods and
findings are relevant here not only because of their substantive contributions,
but because they demonstrate the basis for research designs employed by
historical archaeologists interested in consumer behavior.
Weatherill's study was based on almost 3000 probate inventories dating
from 1675 to 1725 and drawn from eight regions of England (1988: 2-3). An
underlying assumption of the study was that "material goods were, as they
still are, indicative of behaviour and attitude" and could therefore be expected
to vary across social, occupational, and economic lines (Weatherill 1988: 5).
Weatherill grouped the data from inventories according to three classificatory
systems: (1) the social status of the subject; (2) the occupational status of the
subject; and, (3) the economic sector to which the subject belonged (see
Weatherill 1988: Appendix 2, for the rationale of each classification). These
classifications provided a means for comparing ownership of goods within
and between relevant groupings of people.
Carole Shammas employed similar methods in a study of consumer
behavior in both England and colonial America. Her study covered the
period from 1600 to 1800. Shammas introduced her study with a
consideration of what sixteenth- and seventeenth-century households were
able to produce themselves and what they acquired through the market. For
the eighteenth century, she chronicled the growing demand for sugar
products, caffeine drinks, and tobacco. The most interesting part of her study,
however, is an assessment of food consumption and ownership of household
durable goods across socioeconomic and occupational lines. This analysis was
based on data from five collections of English probates from various regions
and five collections of colonial probates from Massachusetts, Maryland, and
Virginia (see Shammas 1990: Appendix 1, for a description of sources).
Instead of the classificatory systems used by Weatherill, Shammas compared
probate inventories across six variables: wealth, household size, book
ownership (used as a measure of education), occupational status, market
accessibility, and influence of gender.
The results of these two studies demonstrated a number of patterns in
consumer behavior between 1600 and 1800. Food and clothing constituted
two major categories of household expenditure (Shammas 1990:126-127;
Weatherill 1988: 114-1340; see also LeeDecker 1991). In order to meet these
needs, poor households had to set aside a relatively larger part of their budget
than did middle income or wealthy households (Weatherill 1988). Wealth,
occupation, household size, and market accessibility all influenced
consumption of durable goods. Both studies demonstrated the spread of
inexpensive and replaceable ceramic table and teawares from the early to the
late eighteenth century. Shammas' data on colonial America demonstrated
that by 1750 half of the middle income households and 20-25 percent of the
lower income household had tablewares listed in probate inventories (1990:
185). There are similar data available for eighteenth-century Paris (1990: 187).
Porcelains and teawares were among several classes of domestic good which
varied predictably with income. In general, ownership of goods such as
pewter, paintings, table linens, window curtains, china, and teawares
increased with social class (Weatherill 1988: 185). There were important
exceptions, however. People with commercial occupations (merchants,
shopkeepers, and innkeepers) were more likely than the gentry to own the
latest fashionable items and the professional classes tended to own the most
books and clocks (Weatherill 1988: 187). Some goods marked a social
boundary. Possession of china, teaware, and looking glasses, common in
households of emerging middle classes, were rare in houses of the yeomanry.
Access to a market town or other distribution center was also important. For
example, ownership of china and teawares was more common for
households in London, where these goods were commonly available, then
for households in outlying regions (Weatherill 1988: 187-188).
Studies of consumer behavior and cultural variability in historical
archaeology have used many of the same methods for collection,
quantification, and comparison of data employed in Weatherill's and
Shammas' work. The archaeological literature includes both studies which
have drawn largely on probate inventories for data (Beaudry 1978; Costello
1992; Friedlander 1991; Gasco 1992; Stone 1970; Yentsch 1983) and those which
have used data from archaeological contexts, often in conjunction with
probate records (Baugher and Venables 1987; Bragdonl988a; Brastner and
Martin 1987; Dyson 1982; Klein 1991; LeeDecker et al. 1987; McBride and
McBride 1987; Pendery 1992; Pyszczyk 1989; Shephard 1987; Spencer-Wood
and Heberlingl987). A related branch of study is research into material
patterning among different status levels at plantation sites (Orser 1987, 1992;
Otto 1977, 1980, 1984; Singleton 1985).
The above studies can be grouped into three major approaches: studies
of cultural variation, studies of the links between material culture and
socioeconomic position, and studies of women as agents or decision makers
in the purchase of household goods.
The first approach stems from the work of James Deetz (1977, 1988a,
1988b) in linking temporal and spatial variations in material culture to
regional cultural traditions and changes in world view. Pendery (1992) in a
study of probates from Charleston, Massachusettes, circa 1630-1760, argued
that early Puritan society emphasized the home as the domain of the family
and that this attitude gradually gave way to use of the home for social
gathering. The transition is marked by an increase in domestic furnishings
and utensils for serving tea and coffee (Pendery 1992: 67-69). Yentsch (1983),
in a study of probate inventories from seventeenth century New England,
found that sleeping and cooking habits, consumption of alcohol, husbandry,
and possession of various categories of durable goods varied by region and
could often be identified as carry-overs from regional traditions in England.
The second and to date most popular approach, sometimes referred to
as studies of consumer choice (c.f., Spencer-Wood 1987), has focused on
ceramics as archaeological indicators or predictors of socioecomic position.
More often than not, these studies have focused on only socioeconomic
position as an explanatory variable for the types of ceramics that occur at sites.
Since the approach focuses on the correlation between site socioeconomic
status and the cost or value of earthenwares in site assemblages, it has relied
heavily on the pricing indices for British tablewares and teawares as
developed by George Milller (1980, 1991; Miller and Hunter 1990) from
extensive study of pottery production, distribution, and pricing in eighteenth-
century England. Using prices lists and price-fixing agreements from British
pottery manufacturers, Miller determined that price was largely a function of
decoration. He then published an index of prices for different decorative
types keyed to the price of creamwares, the most inexpensive ware on the
market. It received a price index value equal to 1 and other wares were
indexed according to how expensive they were in relation to creamware.
Miller's price indices cover the period 1787 to 1880.
Archaeological studies of consumer behavior have used these price
indexes as a means of comparing assemblages from sites of different
socioeconomic or occupational status. Calculation of the index for an
assemblage is described in Miller (1991: 4-5). First, vessels are divided
according to vessel form-flatwares, bowls, or teawares-and decorative type.
Then each vessel is scored according to the price index value provided by
Miller. The index value for the assemblage is the sum of the vessel values
divided by the number of vessels (see Miller 1980, 1991, for examples).
Recently, Potter (1992) has criticized Miller's price index system. He
maintains that earthenwares were sold in sets of six or twelve and that price
indices should be based on these "purchasable units" rather than on a per
item basis, as in Miller's index (Potter 1992: 18). Notwithstanding the logic of
Potter's arguments, there seems to be little difference between the two
systems. When Potter retested data from sites originally used by Miller he
obtained similar results. At the same time, the purchasable unit strategem
requires a great deal of interpolation in the quantification of assemblages,
since the recovery of one broken dish implies the existence of either five or
eleven others. It therefore seems to offer little advantage over Miller's.
In general, comparison of Miller's indices for ceramic assemblages
from sites of differing economic and occupational status has demonstrated
findings consistent with those reported by Weatherill and Shammas.
Socioeconomic status was the most important factor in consumer behavior
and the prevalence of some types of ceramics, notably cups and saucers for tea
and hot drinks, increased with social ranking (Beaudry 1978; Dyson 1982;
Spencer-Wood 1987; Spencer-Wood and Heberling 1987). As with the studies
of English and colonial probates, however, other factors could influence
consumption. These are significant enough to be enumerated below.
The final approach, focusing on the role of women as consumers,
represents a relatively recent type of study. Most notable are Klein's (1991)
work on nineteenth-century sites from the Middle Atlantic States and Wall's
(1991) comparison of two middle class households from nineteenth century
New York. These studies appear to have emerged in part from Shammas'
comments that female members of households may have been largely
responsible for decisions about purchases of tablewares and other domestic
expenditures (1990: 186). Both studies criticized other consumer behavior
models in archaeology for ignoring womens' influence on apportioning
household budgets and selecting domestic furnishings. While this criticism
is justified, it is also true that Klein's and Wall's own studies were unable to
statistically separate the influence women exerted on household economy
from other variables such as rural or urban location of sites, family size and
makeup, or socioeconomic position. Indeed, ceramic indices for Wall's study
tended to affirm the importance of the latter. At the two sites used in her
study, distinctions in social rank were marked by better quality teawares, a
pattern noted by other researchers in other studies (see Wall 1991: 75).
The difficulties encountered by Klein and Wall should indicate that
studies comparing material culture across households must include strict
control over variables likely to affect what or how much the occupants
purchased. There are many variables other than socioeconomic position and
gender. In general, advocates of the consumer behavior approach have
emphasized that researchers should seek units of analysis-either households
or neighborhood blocks-whose occupants can be identifed through
documents. Obviously, sites should also date to the same time period, in
order to avoid temporal distortions. However, numerous other variables
have also been shown to influence consumption. These are: location of the
site in relation to major distribution centers (market access); occupation of the
household head; life cycle of the household; power relations; and ethnicity.
All of these are considered below, with special attention given to ethnicity.
This variable was already mentioned in relation to Weatherill's
findings that ownership of teawares was more common in London than in
outlying areas. Archaeologically-based studies of commodity flow (Riordan
and Adams 1985) and of isolated frontier communities (Miller and Hurry
1983) have also shown that proximity to a commercial center affects material
assemblages. This variable can be controlled by comparing sites within the
same market area, but relatively few studies of consumer behavior have had
access to large numbers of well documented, contemporary sites from the
same town. A community study approach, as employed here, is one method
of coping with this problem.
Again, this variable was apparent in the research by Weatherill and
Shammas. It has also been documented in archaeological contexts. Pendery
(1992) found that vessels recovered from the cellar of a seven teenth-centurv
sea captain in Massachusetts testified strongly to a correlation between
occupation and domestic furnishings. Tin-glazed wares included English and
Dutch delfts, commonly found on colonial English sites, but also comprised
Portuguese, Spanish, and Italian majolicas, as well as Spanish olive jars.
Olive jars were commercial wares used in Spanish shipping. Majolicas were
fairly rare in the New World outside of Spanish distribution systems. The
presence of these vessels in Massachusetts apparently reflected the sea
captain's ties to commerce and foreign ports of trade. In another study,
Bragdon (1988a) compared a farm site and a tavern from Massachusetts circa
1700. She found that the two sites differed along occupational lines, with
more drinking vessels, wine glasses, and pipe fragments in the tavern
assemblage. Comparative studies thus cannot ignore occupation as a partial
determinant of household furnishings and durables.
Household Life Cycle
Even with other variables controlled, studies of the same households
over time have shown that archaeological assemblages vary as the size of the
household increases or decreases. The presence of children or elders in the
household also affect expenditures and provisioning (LeeDecker et al. 1987).
This was found to be less important for comparisons of food remains and
diet-which remained consistent through time-than for the presence of other
goods, such as alcohol and medicines.
This is a variable which has been largely ignored in the study of
nineteenth-century American sites but which becomes critical when
comparing various strata at plantations Orser notes that the meaning
inferred from artifact patterns varies depending on whether people are free to
make their own choices in the marketplace or not. Where goods are
provided through an intermediary who can dictate certain material
conditions, such as a master or factor of a plantation, findings based on
consumer choice may not apply (Orser 1992).
Control over these variables was part of research design in this study.
Market access, or distance from the marketplace, is perhaps the best-controlled
of all variables in this study. All the households examined were located
inside the town walls of St. Augustine and therefore within the same market
and distribution system. Other variables are controlled through
documentation. All sites selected for study were contemporaneous. The
households occupying the site were identified from historic maps, tax lists,
censuses, and probates. The same sources provided information on the size
and make-up of households at various periods of time. Occupation of the
household head was determined from census and probate information, while
socioeconomic position was assessed through several means, including
ownership of slaves, tax assessments of property, and assessment of estates
from probate records. From these criteria, sites were ranked in relation to one
another. Assignment of ethnic affiliation has already been discussed
extensively in earlier chapters.
Ethnicity and Consumption
Even taking into consideration the above factors, the case for an
interrelationship between socioeconomic position and consumption seems
clear. The case for ethnicity is somewhat more controversial. For instance,
there have been many studies to show that local environment,
socioeconomic position, and other factors have more influence than ethnicity
on human foodways (McGuire 1982; Honerkamp and Reitz 1983; Reitz 1979).
Recent articles, however, have brought ethnicity much more to the forefront
as both something which influenced human behavior in the past and which
is detectable in archaeological patterning. One of the few clear-cut
demonstrations of the influence of ethnicity on purchasing patterns is a
dissertation by Heinz Pyszczyk (1988, 1989) on consumer habits of two
ethnically distinct groups of fur traders in western Canada during the late
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Pyszczyk set out specifically to design a test case on whether ethnicity
was observable through patterning in material culture. From documents he
was able to identify two groups, French Canadians and Orkneymen, with
marked cultural distinctions in the way they dressed, lived, and behaved
(Pyszczyk 1989). Pyszczyk next reviewed account books available from
trading post company stores and quantified the types of goods bought by
French Canadians and Orkneyman. He found that the two groups differed
observably in their purchase of utilitarian items, including types of food,
clothing, and tools, as well as in use luxury items such as tobacco,
hankerchiefs, and other items (Pyszczyk 1989: 227-228). In order to test his
findings, Pyszczyk applied various statistical procedures. For example, he
noted the presence and absence of goods in account books and then derived
Jaccard's Similarity Coefficient to measure the correlation of purchases with
group membership. The results demonstrated that purchasing behavior
within ethnic groups, while variable, was more similar than that between
Pyszczyk then extended his analysis to compare archaeological
assemblages from French Canadian and Orkney sites spread across two
different regions. The greatest similarity between assemblages was at sites of
the same ethnic group within the same region. The next greatest similarity
was between sites of the same ethnic group in different regions (Pyszczyk
1989: 230-234). A cluster analysis, based on the similarity coefficients derived
from both the documentary and archaeological sources of data, also grouped
units of analysis by ethnicity. In order to ensure that results were not due to
biasing factors, such as sample size, length of occupation at a site, or region,
Pyszczyk ran a multiple regression with these three factors and ethnic
affiliation as the independent variables. The four variables accounted for
most of the variability observed in artifact distributions (R2 = .974) and
ethnicity was the best predictor of variability (Pyszczyk 1989: 237-238). In a
final analysis, the study also showed that differences between the French
Canadians and Orkneymen tended to dissipate as both groups acheived
greater prosperity. This seems to support contentions that material
boundaries between groups are most evident in situations marked by
competition (Pendery 1992), and that ethnicity may be interrelated with low
occupational or economic status (Clark 1987).
The most important aspect of Pyszczyk's work, however, was in
demonstrating that the archaeological study of ethnicity is possible and that it
can be productive. However, such study requires a research design with
control over the many variables— some cultural, some resulting from
preservation and sampling of deposits— which can affect the distribution of
artifacts in a site assemblage. The research design and methods employed by
Pyszczyk formed the basis for the comparison of Spanish and Minorcan
assemblages described in this chapter. These methods are: control over
variables, use of similarity coefficients to measure the degree of correlation
between different site assemblages, and use of cluster analysis and multiple
regression both to display how sites were grouped and to test what factors
appear to explain similarities and differences in assemblages. The principal
difference in the methodology employed here is that it is limited to one
category of evidence recovered from documents-costume-and two categories
recovered archaeologicially-earthenwares and vertebrate food remains.
Methodological Considerations Governing the Comparison
and Quantification of Ceramic Assemblages
In establishing a basis for comparing sites according to their ceramic
assemblages, analysis had to cope with four difficulties: selection of samples;
accounting for redeposition of early colonial materials in late colonial
contexts; defining of units of analysis; and quantifying the units.
Control Over Redeposition and Sample Bias
The first two problems are interrelated. In multicomponent urban
sites such as St. Augustine's, the potential for archaeological deposits to be
mixed or disturbed after deposition is great. Redeposition occurs when
materials which are already in the ground are shifted or removed by later
activities and become incorporated into zone, trash pits, or other features
with which they are not temporally associated. It is common to find
fragments of sixteenth-century majolicas in contexts from the late
seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. Disturbed contexts include those
in which a later activity-such as digging a pit for trash-cuts into an earlier
deposit and introduces later materials into it. Deagan (1983) has provided
guidelines for dealing with both disturbance and redeposition in deposits of
the First Spanish Period (1565-1763). Disturbance is generally controlled in
the field by carefully isolating difference proveniences during excavation.
Redeposition is not controllable. Researchers must simply be aware of the
problem and keep it in mind during analysis.
Late colonial archaeological depositions are especially susceptible to
redeposition. In zone or sheet deposits from late colonial contexts it is
possible to recover European and aboriginal ceramics dating from all time
periods in St. Augustine. Redeposition occurs not only in zone but also in
closed context deposits such as trash pits and wells.
The problem of controlling for redeposition was a critical concern in
deriving samples for this study. Obviously, to include redeposited ceramics as
part of analysis would destroy the essential bridging argument in archaeology
that materials recovered from deposits represent the result of use and
disposal of the household under consideration. The author therefore made a
series of decisions about ceramic assemblages. Only materials from closed
context features such as trash pits, wells, and privies were used in analysis.
This decision reflected the assumption that redeposited materials could be
most easily identified and eliminated from feature deposits. A study of
average sherd size and weight from late colonial sheet deposits and features
supported this assumption. The average weight of sherds from middens,
trash pits, and wells and privies at the late colonial sites used in this study
were calculated and compared. Sheet deposits tended to have the smallest
sherds on average, suggesting that materials in these deposits are mixed,
compacted, and crushed after deposition. This process of compaction and
fragmentation affected all redeposited fragments from earlier periods and
earthenwares dating to the late colonial period. By contrast, in trash pits,
wells, and privies, there was a distinct difference between the average size of
redeposited ceramics and the size of those dating between 1760 and 1820.
Redeposited sherds-identified based on their date ranges-were still small.
However, sherds dating to the late colonial period occurred in larger and
larger fragments as one moved from sheet deposits to trash pits to wells and
privies. The author's conclusion was that this increase in average weight
reflected the fact that late colonial ceramics, once they were discarded into a
discrete deposit such as a pit or a well, were not subject to crushing and
compacting and could be distinguished from redeposited materials based on
considerations of both their dates of production and on size.
Given this information, the author used both dating and methods of
quantification to exclude redeposited materials from analysis. First, any
earthenware that went out of production before the 1780s was taken out of the
sample. This eliminated most redeposited materials. For those few ceramic
types that began production prior to 1780 and continued into late colonial
times, the author felt it would be possible to control for redeposition by using
rim counts and minimum vessel counts. The assumption was that
earthenwares discarded by the households in question would most likely be
the ones best represented by large fragments or reconstructed vessels. Hence a
quantification by rim and vessel count would further minimize the risk of
including redeposited materials in analysis.
The use of assemblages from closed contexts alleviated the problem
posed by redepostion; however it created another problem. In contrast to
materials in zones, which accumulate over time, the contents of trash pits,
wells, and privies represent materials deposited over a short period of time.
Hence, they can reflect specialized or idiosyncratic events and present a biased
view of household material culture.
This problem also was considered but rejected as forming no serious
impediment in this case. A comparison of ceramics recovered from zone,
trash pits, and wells at SA-26-1, the Bousquet household, indicated that all
these deposits reflected similar distributions of ceramics at the site (Zierden
1981: 69-70). Similarly, ceramics recovered from a privy at SA-35-2, which had
a terminus post-quern of 1805, were the same types recorded in the probate
record for that household from 1817. This suggests that ceramics disposed of
as trash do in fact reflect household consumer choices that may remain stable
for some time.
There is less comparative information available for other sites in the
samples but the strategy for choosing provenience for study should mitigate
against specialized or unrepresentative samples. Materials from SA-7-6 and
SA-12-26 came from numerous trash pits (see Appendix F) that represent
more than one episode of deposition. The ceramics from SA-7-6 come from
pits with terminus post querns between 1800 and 1813. Those from SA-12-26
have a narrower date range of 1795 to 1805.
Material from the well at SA-16-23 was also compared to published
distributions of ceramics from other proveniences at the site (McMurray 1975:
52). The ratio of cream ware to edged ware to annular ware (based on sherd
counts) was the same. Relative frequency of ceramic types in the assemblage
from the well (based on rim counts) was virtually identical with site-wide
distribution of ceramics sherd counts for the site as a whole.
Material from SA-34-3 came from a single, short-term deposition of
trash. The provenience was a lens within a large trash pit (diameter = 3
meters) at the back of the Segui house. This lens (Lens B) consisted entirely of
expended charcoal fuel from the family's bakery, food remains, and
household trash (Cusick 1993). A lower lens of the same trash pit (Lens C)
consisted of a large set of broken creamware plates and serving dishes. This
material was not included in analysis. It was impossible to determine from
context or from research in household documentary records if this
dinnerware set represented a household purchase or damaged commercial
stock held by Segui in his capacity as merchant. In addition, the set clearly
represented an unrepresentative and idiosyncratic sample (people do not
break a set of dishes every day). The distribution of ceramics from Lens B
reflected a high incidence of creamware and low incidence of edged ware at
SA-34-3. This distribution was also reflected in data from zone and trash pits
excavated in a different part of the site during a 1981 fieldseason (see Johnson
1981) indicating that it is not a function of sampling bias. The high incidence
of creamware in Lens B was also not a result of mixing with the broken dishes
in Lens C. No cross-mends were found between these two lenses.
Certainly the data presented here are subject to further confirmation,
either by additional analysis of site proveniences or by analysis of other sites.
However, there seems little basis to suspect the sample used was biased or
compromised. Faunal data were drawn from the same proveniences and, as
will be shown in the discussion of foodways, the only outstanding evidence
for a specialized activity affecting a sample was at the Papy site.
Classification and Quantification of Assemblages
A second and greater problem in quantification of earthenwares was
trying to decide what to quantify. Miller has offered numerous warnings
against using archaeological ceramic types when looking at consumer
behavior (1980, 1987, 1991). Earthenwares were not recognized or sold in the
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries according to the modern
designations created by archaeologists. Hence it was necessary to come up
with a classification of earthenwares which approximated as closely as
possible the system people used during the late colonial period in St.
Augustine. For this the author relied on Miller's decorative ware groups
which are based on emic categories for ceramics used by potters and pottery
merchants to describe and price the wares with which they dealt. This is the
first attempt to apply Miller's emic classification system to Spanish American
sites and, as discussed below, some modifications had to be made to fit the
classification to the St. Augustine market system.
Miller's work on British pottery production has marshalled an
enormous quantity of data to demonstrate that potters priced and sold
ceramics according to decorative types (Miller 1980, 1991). Pricing was
governed by how wares were decorated, and not by qualities of the paste or
glaze which are used by archaeologists to identify and date ceramics. The
cheapest wares available from the 1780s were undecorated cream wares, called
cream-colored ware in potter's terminology, and identified in price lists and
price fixing agreements as CC (Miller 1980, 1991: 5). Price increased with
decoration. Miller has identified and described the types in numerous articles
(see also Noel Hume 1973, 1982).
The definitions given here are from a 1989 article written in
conjunctions with Ann Smart Martin and Nancy S. Dickinson. Several
varieties of creamware as well as edged ware are depicted in Figure 6. The
remaining decorative types are distinguished primarily by the application of
color through the use of slips, hand-painted design, or transfer-printing.
They are not depicted. Definitions are as follows:
CC. "The potters' term for cream color or creamware which was
undecorated and the cheapest available."
Edged. "The potters' term for blue and green shell edged wares, mostly
tablewares such as dishes (platters), plates, twiflers, muffins and some table
serving pieces such as sauce boats and tureens. Edged wares were the cheapest
table ware with decoration."
Dipt- "A catch-all term applied to wares that were decorated with
colored slips. Dipt wares included mocha, common cable, variegated, and
other annular types. Dipt wares were mostly mugs, bowls, jugs (pitchers), and
Examples of major classes of decorated ceramics.
Cream-colored wares: feather edged, Royal, diamond motif.
Edged: shell edge. Painted: polychrome floral tea cup,
blue on white oriental motif saucer.
chamberpots. They were the cheapest hollow wares available with
Painted. "The term 'painted' most commonly refers to underglaze
painted wares, which generally are tea wares."
Printed. "The potters' terms for transfer printed wares. Printed occurs
in tea, table, and toilet wares. Generally they are the most expensive wares"
(Miller, Martin, and Dickinson 1989: 16).
In addition, Miller also identified prices for various whitewares and
stonewares and for English porcelain (for the relative cost of all these types,
see Miller 1991: 12-22).
By the period under investigation here, the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth century, these British-made refined earthenwares were ubiquitous
in Europe, North America, and peripheral areas of Spanish America (see
Miller 1980; Miller, Martin, and Dickinson 1989; Shammas 1990). Due to the
growth and expansion of trade in the Second Spanish Period they were
abundant in St. Augustine and form the dominant types in late colonial
This being the case, Miller's decorative types were used as the basis for
classifying ceramics in the assemblages from St. Augustine. Several pieces of
information make this appropriate. First, analysis of shipping records and
twenty years of excavation in St. Augustine have shown that British- and
American-made earthenwares predominate at late colonial sites. This agrees
completely with data from other parts of Spanish America, which were
flooded with British refined earthenwares during the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries.
Second, probate inventories from St. Augustine corroborate at least
part of Miller's classification. An examination of probates with inventories of
household pottery demonstrated that in general vessel form, rather than
decoration, was most often recorded. However, probates consistently referred
to "platos blancos y ordinarios" (common-grade, white plates) and "platos con
orillas azules" or "platos con orillas verdes" (plates with blue or green edges).
These terms occured in association with forms common to creamwares and
edged wares: large and small plates, bowls, tureens, teapots, gravy boats and
condiment jars, as well as utilitarian forms such as champerpots for
creamwares; plates, platters, serving dishes, and tureens for edged wares (see
Appendix C). The probate record for SA-35-2, the household of Gaspar Papy,
was especially helpful in interpreting terminology. Papy's probate inventory
indicated that most of the household plates were either creamware or edged
ware. This was confirmed from excavated data.
Third, the potters' price lists used by Miller to develop a classification
of wares were available during the eighteenth century in French and Spanish
translation, indicating that the same typology was used in foreign markets
(George Miller, personal communication, 1992). Evidence for price structure
was not abundant in the St. Augustine probates, but the little evidence that
existed tended to confirm Miller's findings. Miller noted that edged wares
cost about one-and-a-half times as much as creamwares (1991: 12). This was
also the price difference indicated in St. Augustine between "platos con orillas
azules" and "platos blancos y ordinarios" (see Appendix C).
Based on Miller's classificatory system, ceramics in the St. Augustine
database were assigned to the following categories: CC or creamware, edged,
dipped, painted, and printed. Stonewares and porcelains were also given
their own category.
This basic classification then had to be modified and extended to cover
other types of earthenware commonly found in St. Augustine (see Table 6-1).
In addition to the ceramics noted above, which are refined, high-fired
earthenwares, St. Augustine assemblages commonly contain British- and
American-made leadglazed slipwares, Mexican glazed or painted forms, and
three types of tin-enameled wares: delfts, faiences, and majolicas. These
wares were also incorporated into the classification system as separate
categories, based in part on information about distribution systems in St.
Augustine and in part on references in probate records.
Table 6-1. Categories of Earthenwares Used for St. Augustine
CC (undecorated creamware)
Delft and Faience
Mexican Unglazed Tableware
Data from shipping records suggest that earthenwares, like other goods,
reached St. Augustine through different trade links. Spanish and Mexican
earthenwares arrived via Havana. Based on their relative scarcity and the
high price of goods from Havana, these earthenwares probably were more
expensive than comparable non-Spanish tin-enamel or leadglazed forms.
Moreover, both shipping records and probates commonly identified pottery as
Spanish-made. References to l oza de Catalan or tinaja de Espana were fairly
common. The differences in both commodity flow and terminology for these
earthenwares suggested they should be distinguished in analysis. The basic
classification used for earthenwares is presented in Table 6-1.
This classification incorporates Miller's emic types. It does not,
however, rely on Miller's price indices. To date, there is insufficient evidence
that prices in operation in the U.S. market also applied to Spanish St.
The final difficulty encountered in preparing data was in determining
how to quantify the assemblages. Previous studies have relied on several
methods for assessing what category of earthenwares are present in an
assemblage and what proportion of they assemblage they represent. The most
common methods are sherd counts, sherd weights, rim counts, rim counts
augmented by counts of distinctive body sherds, and estimates of the
mininum number of vessels. Miller (1991) recommends use of mininum
number of vessels. Some researchers have used Miller's pricing indices for
sherds counts, rim counts, and vessel counts at the same sites and have found
little variation in results (Spencer- Wood 1987). This analysis relied on four
methods of quantification: sherd counts, sherd weights, rim counts, and
estimates of the mininum number of vessels. Sherd counts and weights
tended to be skewed in favor of fragmented or whole vessels respectively.
They provided a basic control over data but where not especially useful in
comparing assemblages. Rim counts and mininum vessel counts produced
the most reliable assessment of assemblages.
All data entries on table and tea and utilitarian wares were coded
according to this classification system and then quantified by (a) their
frequencies and (b) their relative frequencies. Relative frequency was the
percentage of total sample size consisting of all ceramic types noted in Table
6.1. Relative frequencies based on rim counts were used in a cluster analysis.
Vessel counts were also used for cluster analysis, but because of problems in
dependent variables the clustering was based only on simple coding for
presence or absence. The correlation and hierarchical clustering software
used was for the Macintosh SE/30 version of Systat 5.0. Use of this software
allowed site assemblages to be compared according to similarity coefficients
and to then be displayed in groups according to their degree of similarity.
Methodological Considerations: Cluster Analysis of Sites
Systat 5.0 provides an hierarchical agglomerative clustering that will
join the most similar cases (in this case, most similar site assemblages) and
then add cases to extant clusters, forming a branching hierarchy (Aldenderfer
1977: 5). Hierarchical clustering has been used with great success in
archaeology to help classify or group materials using a numerical basis for
determining similarity (Doran and Hodson 1975: 174-176). The steps
involved in cluster analysis are choosing attibutes for comparison and scoring
them, creating a data matrix, deriving similarity coefficients for the cases to be
compared, executing the cluster analysis, and interpreting and validating the
results (Aldenderfer 1977: 11-15; Doran and Hodson 1975; Saunders 1986: 45).
Cluster analysis is an appropriate procedure provided certain
conditions are met. The first is that the attributes chosen are relevant to the
questions being asked and the data being compared. For the St. Augustine
data, each site assemblage constituted a case. The attributes for each case
consisted of the ware categories discussed previously. The rationale for
defining the categories and their relevance to consumer choice have already
been given. Attributes were scored as either the frequency of a category, as the
relative frequency of a category represented as a percent of the total
assemblage, or as present or absent.
The second condition is that attributes be independent. Using two
closely correlated attributes in effect means that assemblages are compared
across the same variable twice; this weights the attributes and distorts the
similarity between assemblages.
Since use of dependent variables renders cluster analysis invalid, care
was taken to ensure that only independent attributes were used in data
matrices. Each time a matrix for ceramics was created for clustering, it was
entered into the correlation program of Systat 5.0 which will calculate a
variety of similarity coefficients. This program was used to determine if ware
categories correlated to one another and therefore broke the condition of
independence. In fact, this was often the case. For instance, the amount of
creamware at a site usually correlated negatively with the amount of transfer-
printed ware present. In practical terms, this meant that comparing
assemblages by how much creamware was present and by how little transfer-
printed ware was present in effect made the same comparison twice. The two
variables were not independent and including both in a cluster analysis
would result in a weighting of these attributes. In cases where two or more
variables showed significant correlation, independence of attributes was
achieved by deleting some attributes from consideration. In other cases, it
was achieved by scoring variables simply as present or absent.
Once the condition of independence was met, a new matrix was created
using the correlation program in Systat 5.0 to generate similarity coefficients
for the site assemblages. Choice of which similarity coefficients to use was
dictated by the numerical scale used in coding (ratio, ranked or ordinal, or
binary). For ratio and ordinal scales the corresponding coefficients were
Pearson r and Spearman rank r. For binary data, scored as 1 for present and
for absent, there were two appropriate coefficients: positive matching and
Jaccard's. Both of these are based on the number of times that two
assemblages had the same attribute, or category of earthenware, present. Both
ignore negative matches or counting the absence an attribute from two
assemblages as a similarity (Aldenderfer 1977: 14; Doran and Hodson 1975:
141). Positive matching and Jaccard's coefficients created similar clustering of
assemblages. Since Jaccard's coefficient also controlled for the total number of
attributes present in each assemblage, clusters based on this coefficient are the
ones reported in data presentation.
Matrices generated by the correlation program were then entered into
the cluster program and the resulting clusters examined. Three algorithms
were used for clustering: single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's
linkage. These algorithms apply different criteria for joining cases to clusters
and can result in different clusters from the same data. Single linkage
clustering "specifies that an individual may join a cluster if it has a certain
level of similarity with at least one of the members of a cluster" (Aldenderfer
1977: 9). Single linkage has a tendency to create long, chain-like clusters
which are difficult to interpret; however, some researchers prefer it as the
only algorithm which meets all mathematical criteria for cluster analysis
(Aldenderfer 1977: 17; Doran and Hodson 1975: 176; Jardine and Sibson 1971).
Complete linkage "is the opposite of single-linkage analysis. Instead of an
entity joining with only one entity in a cluster, complete linkage requires that
an entity be within a specified level of similarity with all members of that
cluster" (Aldenderfer 1977: 9). Ward's method is a compromise between the
two, which assigns cases to clusters by averaging the distance between them.
It has been used in several archaeological applications of cluster analysis
(Cordell 1984; Rice and Saffer 1982; Saunders 1986). The cluster program in
Systat automatically recognized which similarity coefficient had been
employed and converted these coefficients to measures of distance where
TEAWARES, PLATES, AND UTILITARIAN WARES
This chapter presents and discusses the data derived from the analysis
of ceramic assemblages representing earthenwares in use at the six sites under
consideration. Data are presented both in tabular form and as the results of
cluster analysis. Associated tables of statistics are in Appendix D.
Initial Data Analysis: Sherd Counts and Weights
As a means of obtaining a preliminary understanding about the
distribution of earthenwares within and across site assemblages, the
assemblages were quantified according the the total sherd count and the total
sherd weights for each category of ware. The quantified counts and weights
and the percentages they represent in each assemblage are reproduced in
Table 7-1 and 7-2. As discussed below these methods of quantification
revealed more about the biasing effects of differential breakage than they did
about human behavior related to the choice, use, and disposal of
Site Assemblages Compared by Sherd Counts
Table 7-1 of the sherd counts in site ceramic assemblages would seem to
reveal several similarities among sites. With the exception of the Usina
assemblage, the most prevalent earthenwares are those in the CC or
creamware category which composes from 33 to 62 percent of assemblages.
One problem with sherd count data was that many sherds— especially those in
the pearlware glaze family-could not be classified since they represented base
or body sherds with no decorative information.
Breakage of some vessels and not others also caused problems. Based
on sherd counts, creamware composed almost half the assemblage from the
Papy privy. What sherd counts failed to reveal was that most of the vessels at
the site were complete edged ware plates and hand-painted teawares.
Creamwares tended to be fragmentary and had a high frequency (N = 245)
because they broke into more pieces. These broken pieces could represent
material that was redeposited in the privy or a few creamware vessels which
happened to shatter and create many fragments. The effect of differential
breakage on sherd counts is apparent when Table 7-1 is compared with Table
7-2 for sherd weights.
Site Assemblages Compared by Sherd Weights
Sherd weights were compiled and recorded in Table 7-2 to assess
assemblages and control for differential breakage. Sherd counts tend to over-
represent fragile, easily broken vessels or vessels subject to breakage after
discard (Rice 1987: 291). Sherd weights, on the other hand, control for
breakage but not for the presence of whole and framentary vessels in the
There are clear differences between Tables 7-1 and 7-2. Relative
frequencies for creamware remain stable, but at various sites the values for
edged, printed, and slipped wares changes radically. This reflects the presence
of complete or near-complete vessels in deposits. The only assemblage which
was unaffected was from the Segui site, where most vessels were represented
by fragments and counts and weights reflected similar distributions. The
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biggest difference occured for the Papy site. In the table based on sherd
weights, edged wares accounted for more than 30 percent of the site
assemblage as opposed to 8.5 percent in the table based on counts. This
reflected the fact that most of the 46 edged wares recorded in Table 7-1 were
whole plates while the 245 creamwares included about 20 whole vessels and
many small sherds.
Quantifying assemblages by weight helped to identify similar problems
in other assemblages. A good example was the Usina assemblage. The sherd
count data suggested that transfer-printed wares were a major component of
this site assemblage. However, the 344 sherds in the assemblage only weighed
115 grams and consisted of a few vessels and many minute fragments.
Yet quantifying by weight also created biases. Slipwares were a minor
part of the Usina assemblage when quantified by frequency (6 percent) but a
major part when quantified by weight (50 percent). The difference is
explained by the fact that the Usina well contained several whole or near-
whole slipware dishes. Similar problems occured with the other assemblages.
The differences created through quantification by sherd counts and
weights pose a dilemna which is common in ceramic analyses: which method
should the researcher trust? One solution is to apply a third method and
characterize assemblages by an estimate of the minimum number of vessels
present. Vessel counts make sense in analyses that seek to compare the kinds
of earthenwares in use at different households. Such analyses should focus
on the use and discard of vessels rather than on sherds, which are merely a bi-
product of breakage as well as of other factors such as redeposition.
There are a variety of methods for deriving estimated vessel counts
(see discussion in Rice 1987: 292-293). The method employed here is
analogous to the calculation of MNI in zooarchaeology and is based on counts
of cross-mended rim, basal, and body sherds supplemented by decorative
information to derive a minimum estimate of the vessels in each assemblage.
The quantification of the assemblages by vessel counts is justified for at least
two reasons. First, while vessel counts may have unknown biases, it is at
least clear that they reflect items used and discarded by a household. Second,
the major differences between the results of vessel counts (as discussed below)
and the results of sherd counts and sherd weights seem to be explainable by
differential breakage. This should not be regarded as a defect in methodology
since a major reason for using vessel counts is to mitigate against biases
caused by breakage.
Two methods of deriving vessel counts were employed in analysis.
The first was to quantify vessels by a count of all the rims present in each
assemblage. This was a straightforward procedure since rim sherds were
easily identifiable. However, many rims were small and had no diagnostic
information about vessel form. Thus, rim data were compared only
according to the ware categories already discussed and where not divided into
different categories of vessel.
The second method was to derive an estimate of vessels both by form
and ware category. This was based in part on rim counts and also on counts
of other diagnostic sherds such as bases and decorated body sherds.
Comparison of site assemblages by rim count data was accomplished through
cluster analysis. Comparsion of vessel counts for assemblages was achieved
through tabular charts and cluster analyses based on the presence and absence
of items. Methods of quantification, data analysis, and results are discussed
Site Assemblages Compared by Rim Counts
The first method of vessel quantification was to use rim counts to
compare assemblages. All rims, regardless of size, were pulled and cross-
mended to reduce the effects of breakage. Next, rims were examined for
vessel form, decorative motifs, glazing characteristics, and morphology. Any
rims which appeared to belong to the same vessel were grouped as a unit and
counted as the equivalent of one rim. In essence this meant that for each
assemblage the database consisted of all vessels represented by a rim.
Counting of rims was thus a crude method of estimating vessels; it was biased
by the fact that it did not count vessels represented only as basal sherds or
other parts of the vessel body.
Nonetheless, rim counts seemed to eliminate the worst problems
associated with sherd counts and weights. The relative frequency of
creamware in each assemblage was consistent with results produced by sherd
counts and sherd weights. The relative frequencies of ceramics based on rim
data were often closer to the results of sherd weight than of sherd counts,
suggesting it did control for differential breakage. However, rim counts were
less prone to skew the data in favor of large, complete vessels as was the case
with sherd weights. For instance, at the Usina site, the relative frequency of
slipware, as given by rim counts, was between the values given by sherd
counts and sherd weights. Values for painted wares were slightly inflated at
all sites, perhaps because they commonly broke into large rim sherds. The
frequencies and relative frequencies derived for the rim count data are
presented in Appendix D.
Once counts were complete for each assemblage, rims were divided
according to ware category and then the frequency within each category was
counted. This frequency was then converted to relative frequency expressed
as a percent of the total rim assemblage. Pearson r coefficients were generated
to determine if there were correlations between ware categories. This
procedure indicated that the frequency of hand-painted wares correlated
negatively with the amount of dipped and leadglazed wares present. It was
also affected by the sample size of the assemblage.
These correlations violated the principle of using only independent
variables in cluster analysis as discussed in the last chapter. The author
therefore decided to eliminate hand-painted wares as an attribute used in the
cluster analysis. This in effect weighted the presence of flatwares (plates and
platters) in site assemblages, since hand-painted wares tend to be teawares and
bowls. Porcelains were not present as rim sherds in any assemblage and this
category was also eliminated.
Other attributes were independent and Pearson r coefficients were
generated for site assemblages. The Chi-Square Statistic that accompanied
calculation of Pearson r had a value of p<.001 for 21 degrees freedom (see
Appendix D). This allowed rejection of the null hypothesis that differences
and similarities between assemblages were the result of chance. This matrix
of similarity coefficients was then entered into the clustering program.
Clusters were created using single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's
method algorithms. The resulting clusters are depicted in Figure 7. All
algorithms showed essentially the same clusters, with the cluster
membership noted in Table 7-3.
SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR)
COMPLETE LINKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR)
WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD
SAN (3) !
Figure 7: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method
clusters based on rim count data.
One thing made clear by the analysis was the degree to which mass-
production of British-made ceramics in the late eighteen:- and early
nineteenth-century households altered earlier traditions of Spanish colonial
material culture in St. Augustine . The work of Deagan and others on pre-
1763 St. Augustine, focusing on upper-level Spanish households of the
eighteenth century First Spanish Period, indicates that between 40 and 50
percent of the ceramics were aboriginal coarse earthenwares, approximately 25
percent were Spanish or Mexican majolicas and leadglazed wares, and less
than 25 percent were products from Britain (Deagan 1983: 235-241). Thus, in
the earlier period, British-made tablewares were an important component of
kitchen material culture in Spanish Florida but were not the predominant
Table 7-3. Sites Membership in Clusters Generated from Rim Counts
Cluster 1 Cluster 2 Cluster 3
Bousquet Papy Usina
For the late colonial period, British manufactures compose almost 90
percent of most ceramic assemblages. With the exception of the Bousquet
household, which had a relatively high incidence of majolica, Spanish and
Mexican-made earthenware composed 5 percent or less of assemblages.
Aboriginal coarse earthenwares dropped from use completely and, judging
from shipping and probate records, much of the cookware and utilitarian
ware for the period was copper, iron, and tin pots and sauce pans. Spanish
earthenwares continued to be most evident in utilitarian.
With respect to the six assemblages in this study, the results from the
rim count data essentially divided sites into two groups. Cluster 1 consisted
of both Spanish sites and the prominent Minorcan household of the Seguis.
Cluster 2 consisted of the well-to-do Minorcan household of the Papys and
the poorer Minorcan household of the Triays. The Usinas, a Minorcan family
whose socioeconomic position was probably somewhere between that of the
Papys and Triays, joined this cluster at a lesser level of similarity.
Validation of the Clusters
A regression analysis was run to determine whether the groupings
shown by the cluster analysis were based on correlations between assemblages
that were statistically significant. The Bousquet assemblage was selected as
dependent variable. The remaining five assemblages and a constant were the
independent variables. The results (presented in Appendix D) confirmed that
the distribution of ceramics at the Segui and Sanchez sites explained the most
variance, or provided the best "fit", with respect to the distribution of wares
at the Bousquet site. The fact that all three algorithms used in the cluster
analysis produced similar clustering of assemblages was also considered
validation that the clusters were "real" (Saunders 1986).
Cowgill (1990) has warned that Pearson's r coefficient may not be the
most appropriate statistic for assessing the similarity of assemblages and
suggests instead use of a variation of the Brainerd-Robinson coefficient
where p/A is the percentage of a type in collection A and p,- B is the percentage
in collection B. This method was applied to the rim count data and the
resulting matrix is included in Appendix D. A cluster analysis run on this
matrix produced the two basic groupings of Bousquet—Sanchez— Segui and
Papy-Triay-Usina, again indicating that these clusters are "real" .
Ceramic Assemblages in Cluster 1
Both of the Spanish sites were grouped in Cluster 1. There were certain
features common to the distribution of wares in these two assemblages. They
were characterized by relatively large quantities of creamware and low
quantities of edged ware and slip-decorated ware. British delftware was
present at both sites in moderate amounts. The Sanchez household was the
most diverse assemblage in the sample, having examples of all the ware
categories under consideration. The Bousquet assemblage consisted mostly of
creamwares, hand-painted wares, and majolicas.
The assemblage from the household of the Minorcan Segui family was
in most respects similar to the Spanish sites. It was the second most diverse
assemblage in the sample and, like the above, was characterized by large
quantities of creamware, low quantities of edged ware and slip-decorated
wares, and moderate amounts of delft. This site was joined at the first level
of clustering with the Bousquet site (see Figure 7).
All of the sites in Cluster 1 also tended to have majolicas present. This
was true of all six site assemblages. However, in the other assemblages-Papy,
Triay, and Usina-majolicas was represented by small rims and could
represent redeposition of Puebla, Mexico, majolicas from deposits of the
earlier Spanish colonial period. When data were quantified by vessel counts
(see below), the sites in Cluster 1 had the only assemblages which included
late eighteenth-century or early nineteenth-century majolicas.
Clusters 2 and 3
The remaining two clusters can be treated together since they were
ultimately joined as one. This cluster included the remaining Minorcan sites:
the well-to-do household of the Papys and the less affluent households of the
Triays and Usinas. The Papy and Triay assemblages correlated closely because
of similar relative amounts of creamware, edged ware, and transfer-printed
ware. These were also the predominant categories present in the Usina
The high relative frequency of edged ware and transfer-printed ware in
these assemblages was unexpected. According to Miller's price indices, edged
ware was a cheap form of decorated plate but still more expensive than
undecorated creamware. Printed wares were among the most expensive table
and tea wares on the market. However, the St. Augustine data indicate these
wares were uncommon at the affluent sites represented by Cluster 1 and
present in significant amounts at the two poorest sites in the sample.
Analysis Based on the Estimated Minimum Number o f Vessels
One difficulty with comparing assemblages based on rim counts was
the lack of control over vessel form. All rims-plates, cups, bowls, saucers,
teapots-were included in analysis. The need to eliminate hand-painted
wares from the database underscored the fact that resulting comparisons
might be skewed by over-representation of flatware vessel forms. Previous
studies have shown that households practiced different purchasing strategies
for flatwares, bowls, and tea wares (Miller 1980; Miller and Hurry 1983; Miller,
Martin, and Dickinson 1989). In addition, many studies in consumer
behavior have shown that teawares tend to vary considerably depending on
the socioeconomic position of households (see discussion in previous
chapter). It was thus deemed essential to run a comparison of site
assemblages with control over vessel form.
To create the necessary database entailed an estimate of the minimum
number of vessels present in each site assemblage. The rim counts used in
the last analysis became the basis for vessel counts. In addition, base and body
sherds in each assemblage were re-examined. The count of vessels was
increased for each basal sherd or body sherd which represented a vessel not
previously included in the database. At all times, cross-mending, decoration,
glazing, and morphology were used to determine whether base or body sherds
represented a new vessel or part of one already counted. Body sherds were
only counted if they bore decoration which made them distinct from vessels
counted on the basis of rims or bases. Handles and lids were not included in
assessing the minimum number of vessels. Rims, bases, and body sherds
which could not be classified by vessel form were excluded from the final
After deriving an estimated minimum number of vessels for each
assemblage, vessels were divided into three categories: flatware (plates and
platters), utilitarian wares (cooking pots, pitchers, jugs, milk pans,
chamberpots), and teawares and bowls. The latter included the broadest range
of vessel forms: teapots, cups, bowls, saucers, and shallow dishes. Optimally,
these forms should have been divided into two categories representing
teawares and bowls. However, many vessels existed as fragments and could
not be definitively assigned to the cup or bowl category.
The use of vessels as a basis for comparison allowed some refinement
in the selection of attributes for comparison. Vessels were found to vary not
only by general decorative category but also by variants in decorative motifs.
Since samples sizes were small and clusters based solely on general decorative
categories would not discriminate between assemblages, the vessel data were
grouped according to a type/ variant system. Such grouping systems have
long been in used in historical archaeology (see South 1977a: 95-96 and
Deagan 1983), and Pyszczyk employed a type/variant system in his study of
consumer behavior at fur-trading sites (Pyszczyk 1989: 226-227).
Teawares were divided first by vessel form (bowls and cups, saucers,
and teapots), then by ware category, and then by decorative motif. For
flatware, the assemblage was divided according to ware category, as in the
previous analysis, and then subdivided when possible into decorative motif.
Utilitarian wares were divided according to form and ware category only.
This resulted in the categories shown in Table 7-4. Minimum vessel counts
for teawares, flatwares, and utilitarian wares in each site assemblage are given
in Tables 7-5, 7-6 and 7-7.
Sample sizes for vessels were small. As a database, the vessel estimates
provided the greatest amount of control over factors such as redeposition and
breakage and also provided the most abundant information. However, due
to small sample size, this database can be criticized as being unrepresentative.
Interpretation of this database has to be made in conjunction with what is
known about assemblages from sherd and rim data. Fortunately much of
what is reflected in this database is corroborated by rim count data and to
some extent by the sherd data (taking into account the problems already
The vessel data will be discussed in general terms and then will be used
as the basis for additional cluster analyses. Because of small sample size and
problems with dependent variables, these clusters were derived based on
Table 7-4. The Catej
^ories for Flatware, Tea
Floral blue or
Yellow on red
Yellow on brown
and brown swirled
Table 7-5. Teaware Decorative Types
Bousquet Sanchez Seguf Papy Usina
Table 7-6. Plate Decorative Types
Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay
Blue on White
with raised lip
Blue on White
Yellow on red
Brown on red
with two browns
Table 7-7. Utilitarian Ware Database
Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay
Spanish storage jar
Spanish leadglazed 1
Table 7-8. Breakdown of Assemblages by Form/Function Categories
Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay
22 45% 17 40% 32 41% 8 28% 7 41%
19 39% 17 40% 33 42% 14 50% 8 47%
8 16% 8 20% 13 17% 6 22% 2 12%
presence /absence data and were used primarily as an objective means of
demonstrating some of the observations made about distribution of vessels.
Site Assemblages Compared by Their Range of Teawares
As can be seen in Table 7-5, the most affluent sites had the greatest
number and broadest range of teawares. The Papy assemblage consisted
almost exclusively of hand-painted polychrome vessels, with a few
creamwares and transfer-printed wares. The Segui assemblage was similar to
Papy's but with fewer overall vessels. It was linked to Papy at the first level of
clustering. Most of the vessels at the Bousquet household were creamwares
or hand-painted wares of the blue on white variety. The Sanchez assemblage
was also composed of creamware and hand-painted vessels but also had the
highest incidence of delftware. Only two of households-Bousquet's and
Papy's— had probate inventories which itemized movable goods and neither
contained much information on teawares. Bousquet's probate of 1815
mentioned that he possessed a copper tea kettle or coffee pot but made no
mention of any of the earthenware materials recovered archaeologically.
Papy's probate of 1817 included an assessment for nine small silver teaspoons
but otherwise made no reference to utensils associated with tea or coffee
The remaining assemblages-those from the Usina and Triay
households-had small sample sizes. The Triay assemblage consisted of 36
non-flatware rims and it was possible to derive only seven vessels that could
be definitely attributed to a form category. Four of these were inexpensive
dipped ware bowls or cups. The Usina assemblage included only ten vessels
which could be reconstructed enough to provide vessel information. It is
notable that there was no evidence for earthenware tea or coffee pots in either
of the assemblages. This does not necessarily mean such vessels were never
part of household assemblages. Tin-plated tea kettles and coffee pots were
widely available in St. Augustine and cost about the same amount (6 reales)
as earthenware ones. Such thin metal pots would not survive well
archaeologically. Unfortunately, no probate record was available for the
Usina household and the probate for Juan Triay did not include a thorough
inventory of kitchen equipment.
Attempts to cluster these data were complicated by the
interdependence of variables. It was noted at an early stage of analysis that
hand-painted wares-a common type of teaware-tended to vary in relation to
the sample size of the assemblage. In addition, many other decorative ware
types tended to covary. Attempts to quantify these data by frequency and
percent were abandonded because too many categories of ware had to be
eliminated in order to make variables independent.
The cluster analysis presented here was based on presence and absence
of the types and variants listed in Table 7-4. Coding for presence and absence
showed the range of wares in each assemblage. It was a crude form of
quantification which masked differences in the assemblages. However, it did
allow an objective measure of similarity based on the range of types within
In the bowl/cup category, the hand-painted polychrome variant was
eliminated from analysis because it was present in all assemblages. Plain
creamware and hand-painted vessels with Oriental motifs in blue on white
were present in all assemblages except the the one from the Triay household.
These categories also correlated with each other and hence had to be
eliminated as dependent variables. All remaining categories were
independent. Both positive matching and Jaccard's similarity coefficients
were generated for site assemblages. Figure 8 shows the clusters based on
Socioeconomic rank correlated closely with both the range of teawares
and the proportion of each assemblage made up by teawares (see Table 7-8 and
Figure 8). The basic division was between the affluent sites of Segui, Papy,
Bousquet, and Sanchez and the poorer sites of Triay and Usina.
There was some variation in the clustering of assemblages produced by
different algorithms. Single and complete linkage showed a sequential
joining of assemblages with the Triay and Usina assemblages as the last cases
to be joined. Ward's method linkage first joined these two sites into a cluster
and then added them to the hierarchy.
One concern raised by the teaware data was the issue of assemblage
sample size. While it is evident that the two main clusters clearly divide the
affluent from the poor households, it is also true that these clusters separate
the sites with large sample sizes from those with small sample sizes. Is the
clustering a consquence of socioeconomic position or of sample size?
In order to resolve this question, the cluster analysis program was used
to rank sites according to when they joined the clustering hierarchy. This
ranking was then used as a dependent variable in a regression analysis.
Independent variables were socioeconomic rank, as generated in Chapter 4,
ethnic affiliation, and two measures of sample size: all non-flatware rims and
minimum vessels counts. Results, which are presented in Appendix D,
indicated that the four independent variables and a constant accounted for
about 99 percent of the variance in the dependent variable (see square r
Socioeconomic rank was both the most important and most significant
factor. The value of p for socioeconomic rank was .06 which was still within
SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR)
COMPLETE LINKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR)
WARD MTNTMUM VARIANCE METHOD
Figure 8: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method
clusters based on teaware vessel counts.
the range allowing rejection of the model. However, a stepwise regression
indicated that socioeconomic rank and the constant were the most significant
independent variables in the regression and a second regression, based on
only these variables, indicated that socoeconomic rank accounted for about 84
percent of the variance in ranking based on distribution of teaware (p = .010).
The values for p suggest that both this overall model and the fit between
socioeconomic rank and cluster membership were statistically significant.
Other variables, such as size of the household and total assemblage sample
size, showed no correlation with ranking based on teaware data and hence the
evidence is strong that distribution of teawares was related to socioeconomic
Site Assemblages Compared by Their Range of Flatware
The next vessel database analyzed was for flatware. Platters were fairly
rare in comparison with plates and were not treated separately. As sample
sizes were small (see Table 7-6) plates were not divided according to size.
Flatware data tended to confirm what was already known about the Bousquet,
Sanchez, and Segui assemblages. Creamwares were more abundant than
edged wares. Moreover, these sites had the same range of creamware
variants: plain unscalloped plates, plates with feather edging, Royal pattern
creamwares, and platters or serving dishes with diamond embossing along
the edges. Other sites had only one or two of these motifs. The Bousquet,
Sanchez, and Segui sites were also the only assemblages to have examples of
majolica in the plato or plate form.
The Papy assemblage was composed primarily of plain unscalloped
creamware plates and plates with blue and green edging. These were the
same type of flatwares recorded in Papy's probate of 1817, which dates to about
12 years after the terminus post quern for the archaeological assemblage. The
Triay and Usina sites had a similar range of creamwares and edged wares;
however, they also included examples of delft and slip-decorated ware. The
Minorcan assemblages of Segui, Papy, Triay, and Usina were thus quite
variable for this category of earthenware.
Data on flatware, like those for teaware, were recored as present or
absent and used as the basis for a cluster analysis. Two decorative variants-
plain, unscalloped creamwares and edged wares with blue rims— were
eliminated from the database. These were present in all assemblages. They
were also dependent variables. All other categories used were independent.
Both positive matching and Jaccard's similarity coefficients were used as the
basis for clustering site assemblages.
The most significant result of the flatware data was the corroboration it
provided for Cluster 1 as generated by the rim count data. Since the rim
count data were skewed in favor of flatware, it was not unexpected that
clusters based on these two databases would agree. As can be seen in Figure 9,
which is based on Jaccard's similarity coefficient, the clusters generated from
the plate and platter database again include Cluster l~Bousquet, Sanchez, and
Segui-which appeared in the rim count data. The Papy and Triay sites also
were paired in a cluster, as was the case with the rim count data. The Usina
assemblage represented an outlier. The single and complete linkage clusters
showed it as the last case to join the cluster hierarchy; Ward's method
attached it at a fairly low level of similarity to Cluster 1. The two most
significant groupings therefore were Cluster 1 (Bousquet-Sanchez-Segui) and
Cluster 2 (Papy-Triay).
SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR)
SANCHEZ (2) -
COMPLETE LINKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR)
WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD
Figure 9: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method
clusters based on flatware vessel counts.
Site Assemblages Compared by Their Range of Utilitarian Wares
The final database analyzed was for utilitarian wares. Data on
utilitarian wares showed that use of Spanish forms for storage and cooking
continued into the late colonial period even as Spanish tableware forms were
becoming rare (see Table 7-7). Olive jar and storage jar were present at most
sites, particularly at the two Spanish Sites. In fact, Spanish wares, in terms of
their overall importance, were more abundant in this category of
earthenware than in any other. Classic Spanish bacin forms-used as
chamberpots-occurred only in the Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui assemblages.
The other typical ware used as a chamberpot was creamware.
Utilitarian wares were grouped by the form and general ware categories
listed in Table 7-4. Categories were recorded as present or absent in site
assemblages. A test for independence of variables using the correlation
program showed that all variables were independent. Both positive
matching and Jaccard's coefficients of similarity were generated for site
assemblages and entered into the clustering program. Figure 10 depicts the
clusters created using Jaccard's coefficient.
Group membership in these clusters was again very close to that
derived from rim count data. This suggests that the rim count database,
which excluded the decorative category most commonly associated with
teaware, was essentially calculating the similarity between assemblages based
on relative frequencies of flatware and utilitarian forms.
There was again some differences in the cluster hierarchy created bv the
three algorithms. As with the data on flatware, the single and complete
linkage methods tended to groups sites by Clusters 1 and 2 with the Usina site
as an outlier. Ward's method linkage grouped the Usina assemblage with
Cluster 1 at a low level of similarity. The utilitarian ware data can best be
SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR)
PAPY ( 4 )
TRIAY ( 6 )
COMPLETE LTNKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR)
PAPY (4 )
TRIAY ( 6 )
WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD
SANCHEZ (2) :
BOUSQUETU ) +
PAPY (4) I
Figure 10: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method
clusters based on utilitarian ware vessel counts.
interpreted as another confirmation of the similarity between members of
Cluster 1 and members of Cluster 2.
Based on the results of ceramic data presented, at least three issues
shoud be addressed. The most clearly defined conclusion from cluster
analysis was that the distribution of teawares in site asemblages tended to
correlate with socioeconomic status. In other respects, socioeconomic
position appears to have been a major influence on choices made about
earthenwares. The Seguf site has an assemblage that fit within the pattern
represented at the two Spanish sites. This may reflect an emulation of
Spanish middle class consumerism on the part of the Seguis. Assemblages at
the other Minorcan sites were highly variable. As discussed below, Papy's
assemblage may primarily reflect the influence of his occupation as a
shopkeeper on household earthenwares. The Triay and Usina sites both
differed markedly from the other sites, having a smaller range of
earthenwares in general and relying heavily on British-made imports from
the United States.
The association of affluence and the drinking of chocolate, tea, and
coffee is well documented. These beverages became popular in Europe
during the course of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries
(Braudel 1981: 250-251, 256-259). Studies have estimated that by the last
quarter of the eighteenth century, people in the United States consumed an
average .75 pounds of tea annually per capita (Shammas 1990: 64). The
growing popularity of tea-drinking became associated with the gentry
(Weatherill 1988: 172) and accompanied the spread of modern tableware and
teaware forms used to prepare and serve the beverage. Noted Shammas in
her study, "The diffusion of tableware almost perfectly mimics the rise in tea
consumption during the first half of the eighteenth century" (1990: 187).
Shops selling teaware and utensils for hot drinks propagated across the
England during the same period (Weatherill 1988: 62).
The most popular hot beverages throughout Spanish America in the
eighteenth century were chocolate and tea (Burkholder and Johnson 1990:
212). By the mid-sixteenth century Spanish still-lifes depict the appartus for
heating and drinking chocolate. In the late 1700s, the increasing popularity
for hot beverages and for the associated earthenwares created to serve and
drink them had an impact on the manufacture of majolicas in Puebla,
Mexico. These pottery fabricas began duplicating British teaware forms and in
some cases mimicking decorative motifs (Deagan 1987).
Shipping manifests for St. Augustine in the late eighteenth century
testify to the importation of chocolate and coffee through Havana and of tea
through U.S. ports. Based on availability, it seems that coffee and tea were the
predominant hot beverages consumed (Cusick 1991: 294).
The archaeological distribution of teawares in St. Augustine and its
correlation with socioeconomic rank thus seems to accord with general trends
associating the middle class and gentry with ritualized consumption of hot
Socioeconomic position was not such a good predictor of other aspects
of the ceramic assemblages, however. Nor, for that matter, were other
variables cited in this study. Using multiple regression, the author tested the
"fit" of ethnic affiliation, socioeconomic rank, household size, and sample
size as predictors of cluster affiliation as generated by the rim count, flatware,
and utilitarian ware data. As can be seen in the results, none of these
variables were statistically significant in explaining the variance of cluster
membership (see Appendix D). Indeed, the overall model, based on all these
independent variables, was not particularly good at explaining the dependent
The poor explanatory power of these factors is understandable
considering the nature of the two major clusters created by most of the
ceramic data. Cluster 1 contained three affluent sites, of which two were
Spanish households and one was a Minorcan household. Cluster 2 contained
only Minorcan sites, of which one was a well-to-do household and the
remaining two were poor households. One would expect that on the basis of
either ethnic affiliation or socioeconomic position the Segui and Papy
households would cluster together. In fact, with the exception of teawares,
they were consistently segregated into different clusters. It is therefore worth
considering these two households.
The similarity between the ceramic assemblages at the Segui site and
those of the two Spanish sites was not unexpected. The Seguis had
considerable status in the colonial community and were related by their
childrens' marriages to prominent Minorcan and Spanish families. One of
their daughters was married to a Spanish treasury official. Bernardo Segui,
the household head, enjoyed considerable status among both Minorcans and
Spanish officials. He was one of the executors for the probate of Fr. Pedro
Camps, the priest in charge of the Minorcan Parish. He also was captain of
the Minorcan miltia. At the same time, he was well-connected to the Spanish
colonial government. His bakery for a time held the contract to supply bread
to the garrison at the Castillo and he was often an assessor at probate
inventories, including those of Pedro Jose Salcedo, captain of artillery, and
Enrique White, a governor. Shipping records indicate that Segui travelled
numerous times to Havana on trading expeditions. Indeed, his Greek,
Italian, and Minorcan brothers-in-law were one of the few merchant groups
that seem to have had regular access to Havana (see Cusick 1991). The house
built by the Seguis on Aviles Street and still standing today is a mixture of
Hispanic and British architectural elements. It follows the classic Spanish "St.
Augustine plan" in terms of layout, with an offstreet entrance, upper and
lower loggia areas, arched arcade, and balconies overhanging the street
(Manucy 1978: 54, 78, 91); but it also incorporates roof gables and fireplaces
and chimneys at either end, a common feature of eighteenth-century houses
in the British American tradition (Glassie 1968: 64-81; Upton 1986: 315-335).
The ceramic data also suggest intermingled cultural traditions in this
household. Like the other assemblages in Cluster 1, those of Sanchez and
Bousquet, the Segui assemblage could be described as "cosmopolitan".
Membership in Cluster 1 seems to be based on several factors. The
assemblages in this cluster tended to contain types of British tableware that
had been on the market for some time by the 1800s, most notably creamwares
and delfts. The newer edged wares and transfer-printed wares, more
characteristic of what British pottery manufacturers were producing in the
1790s, were not as well-represented in these assemblages as in those of
Cluster 2. These assemblages also had the most Spanish- and Mexican-made
tablewares and utilitarian wares. In some respects, the Cluster 1 households
are comparable to Spanish households in Florida from an earlier period.
While the balance of the ceramic assemblage had clearly shifted toward
mostly British manufactures, these households still had a mixed assemblage
of British, Spanish, and European goods with small amounts of porcelains.
The percentages vary, but the pattern is reminiscent of what Deagan noted for
criollo households in the first half of the eighteenth century.
The data presented here are consistent with interpretations that
Spanish households bought a wide variety of earthenwares, including
whatever Spanish-made vessels could be obtained, and that Minorcan
families who attained a high level of prosperity did the same. The Seguis
seem to have been adaptable to the world they lived in and Spanish tradition
influenced their material world in major as well as in minor ways. One
should be cautious in labelling this influence as "assimilation" since it is clear
from documentary data that the family's connections to the Minorcan
community were strong. Yet the existence of such an influence is apparent.
The pattern in this assemblage can be contrasted with that of the Papys.
The Papys were part of the original Minorcan community and fairly affluent,
so that one would expect their assemblage to resemble that of the Segui
household or the other affluent households. In fact, the Papy assemblage was
quite distinct. The range of wares was very limited. It consisted of blue and
green edged plates, plain unscalloped creamware plates, and a large quantity
of hand-painted teacups, saucers, and bowls, with a few creamware pieces. A
striking feature of this assemblage was how closely it agreed with consumer
patterns noted at nineteenth-century sites in the United States. According to
Miller, "the most common pattern was for consumers to purchase tea wares
of a higher order or cost than tablewares" (Miller, Martin, and Dickinson 1989:
23; see also Miller and Hurry 1983: Table 3). This was the pattern exhibited at
the Papy household. Tablewares consisted of the most inexpensive decorated
form on the market-edged plates--and teawares consisted of slightly more
expensive hand-painted vessels. The Papys also seem to have made an effort
to obtain matching sets of plates. Although there was some variation in the
assemblage, most of the green-edged plates had the same impressed edging
pattern and the same general color. Cups and saucers included duplicated
patterns of polychrome floral motifs. This reflected another change in
consumer pattern that occurred between 1780 and 1830; people ceased to buy
plates and teas on a piecemeal basis and began to assemble them as sets
(Miller and Hurry 1983: 90).]
The distinctiveness of the Papy assemblage when compared with the
other sites may be due in part to Gaspar Papy's occupation as a storekeeper.
Shipping records show that he regularly supplied his store from Charleston
and his trading contacts seem to have been exclusively North American. The
Papys may have supplied their home out of their commercial stock and
perhaps even followed Anglo-American fashion trends in choosing table and
tea wares. Use of a single privy deposit may have also affected results. Other
deposits from the site should be examined as they become available.
The remaining Minorcan assemblages of Triay and Usina were fairly
variable with respect to one another and all other sites. The Triay assemblage
tended to be most similar to the Papy household despite differences in
socioeconomic position. The Usina assemblage was unusual in having
relatively large amounts of transfer-printed ware-a characteristic which made
it distinct from any household in the sample. In any case, at least with
regards to earthenwares, there was no clear cut purchasing pattern that
defined the Papy, Triay, and Usina assemblages and their existence as a cluster
may primarily be due to the fact that they did not fit criteria for membership
in Cluster 1.
Earthenwares were of course only one small component of household
possessions and conclusions based on a single category of evidence most be
tentative. In comparison to the data on costume, the data gathered on
ceramic assemblages suggest that many variables influenced consumer choice
and that of these, socioeconomic position was probably the most important.
The range of tablewares at the Segui household was similar to that evident at
the two Spanish sites examined. This suggests that the Seguis' choices in
dinnerware and utilitarian wares closely followed those exemplified by well-
to-do Spanish families in St. Augustine. This interpretation accords with
what is known about the family from other sources.
In contrast to the Seguis, the Papy assemblage showed little evidence of
emulation or assimilation to a Spanish cultural norm. The ceramics were
comparable to Anglo-American sites of the same period. Indeed, the Papys
were most similar to another, considerably poorer Minorcan family.
Like the Papys, the other two Minorcan households were composed
almost entirely of British or American made ceramics, lacking the expensive
teawares of the Papy household and including more of the inexpensive slip-
decorated and dipped wares. To this extent they bear Governor Zespedes
comment that without access to inexpensive goods from the United States the
average Minorcan would scarcely be able to survive. It would be of interest,
when data become available, to know how these site assemblages compare
with the material culture of common Spanish soldiers in St. Augustine.
Overall, the results of ceramic analysis give added weight to the
conclusions of other archaeologists and historians that earthenwares were a
form of material culture that reflected socioeconomic rank. For the
eighteenth and nineteenth century, this appears to hold true even across
cultural boundaries in Europe and the Americas (on Spanish America:
Deagan 1983; Joseph and Byrne 1992; Zierden 1981; on England and America:
Beaudry 1978; Dyson 1982; Miller and Hurry 1983; Otto 1984; Pendery 1992;
Spencer-Wood 1987; Shammas 1990; Weatherill 1988).
ZOO ARCHAEOLOGY AS AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL TOOL
In their study of Spanish foodways during the early eighteenth century
in St. Augustine, Reitz and Cumbaa noted:
Ceramics, mortuary behavior, house construction patterns, and
personal ornamentations are only a few of the data classes that can be
studied for evidence of ethnic and social class affiliation. Food habits
also reflect social status and ethnic traditions (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:
Analysis of food remains has in fact been one of the most frequently used and
successful means of interpreting the interplay between cultural forces and
human subsistence at archaeological sites (Messer 1984). In a now classic
study, Mudar (1977) tested the correlation between ethnicity, level of income,
and subsistence at three French and two Anglo-American household sites in
Detroit, circa 1820-1840. She evaluated site faunal assemblages according to
three criteria: which animals were consumed at sites, which portions of an
animal were used, and, in the case of beef, which cuts were present.
Consumption of beef rather than pork or mutton seems to have been a
consequence of income, with the wealthiest families prefering beef.
However, Mudar found that mutton, goose, and pigeon were more common
at French sites. People at the French sites also consumed relatively more fish.
While not conclusive, her study was among the first to show associations
between socioeconomic position, ethnic background, and diet at historic
Mudar's pioneering work was quickly followed by similar studies. In
general, these have all sought to elucidate a pattern between people's
economic position and what they could afford to eat. "Economic position"
has been defined in a variety of ways. Some studies have compared sites by
social class, others by the more general term of "socioeconomic status"-
encompassing both wealth and social rank --and yet others by household
income. Archaeologists frequently— and incorrectly-treat these terms as
interchangeable, provoking numerous cautionary articles from researchers
(see Henry 1991; Huelsbeck 1991; Lyman 1987; Reitz and Zierden 1991: 405-406;
Spencer-Wood 1987). Most historic period faunal studies have explored a
simple relationship—level of wealth or status versus what a family or
household ate. The method employed in such studies can best be described
with an example.
In a study of fur trading posts in Wisconsin, Ewen (1986) drew on
faunal data from two companies to determine whose traders had the better
standard of living. He anticipated that the Nor'Westers-employees of the
region's largest fur trade company-fared better than their counterparts with
the XY Company. Between 1803 and 1804, both companies built trading posts
on the Yellow River, located a mere 95 feet apart for protection from the
Sioux (Ewen 1986: 16). The North West Company post consisted of three
structures within a stockade, while the XY Company erected a cabin nearby
(Ewen 1986: 17). Although traders did some hunting, they usually obtained
provisions through trade with the Ojibwa Indians (Ewen 1986: 17). Meat-in
the form of wild game-was the mainstain of the traders' diet (Ewen 1986: 19).
As the employees of the less powerful company, the XY traders also had fewer
prestigious trade items and less bargaining power with the Ojibwa. This was
reflected in their diet. Ewen's analysis included not only an assessment of the
types of animals present, but also how much each species contributed to diet,
and, in the case of deer, which site contained the more desirable cuts. He
concluded that the Nor'Westers received comparatively more venison, as
well as the better cuts (Ewen 1986: 21). They also ate more beaver, which was
considered a delicacy. These results confirmed his original hypothesis.
The study of the Yellow River sites illustrates the efficacy of faunal
analysis as well as some of the factors researchers consider when comparing
faunal assemblages. Yet it is only one among many such studies. Extensive
work has been done with evidence on British and Spanish subsistence along
the Atlantic seaboard. Colonists-whether British or Spanish— confronted a
new environment in North America which required many changes in their
traditional habits of livestock raising, agriculture, and foodways (Bowen 1978,
1990; Honerkamp and Reitz 1983; Reitz 1979; Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry and
Reitz 1990). Whereas there is some evidence at aboriginal sites that the
foodbase remained unchanged from the late prehistoric through the early
Spanish mission period (Reitz 1990), Spanish adaptations to Florida included
considerable alterations to traditional foodways. In Spanish St. Augustine,
deposits dating to the town's first founding suggest settlers and soldiers ate
more or less the same foods as the indigenous peoples (Reitz 1992a, 1992b;
Scarry and Reitz 1990). In the sixteenth and seventeenth century, this diet
gradually evolved to include a complex of European and native foods that
was neither indigenous nor Iberian in character (Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry
and Reitz 1990). For most of this period, what a family put on its table came
from grains raised by the native population, fruits and vegetables grown
locally, and animals raised, hunted, or caught by the household. By the early
eighteenth century, the tables of wealthy Spaniards in St. Augustine featured
meats from all forms of livestock-beef, pork, and chicken— augmented by
wild game (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). This seems to have been true for
eighteenth century British colonists as well (Honerkamp 1982). What went
on the table was not simply a matter of availability but of a person's position
in the community.
Plantation archaeology has provided additional data for the link
between socioeconomic position and access to food. Faunal studies based on
plantation assemblages have changed somewhat in emphasis. Early work by
Otto-on which all subsequent work has been modeled-compared different
social statuses-planters, overseers, and slaves~at Cannon's Point Plantation
(Otto 1977, 1980, 1984). Cut and sawn pieces of bone from steaks and roasts
clustered in contexts from the planter's great house. In the slave quarters,
Otto found evidence for chopped, low grade cuts of beef suitable for stewing.
In both cases, domestic meat was supplemented with meat from wild fauna,
especially fish. The sites of other slave quarters and a free black household
along the Atlantic seaboard produced similar evidence for heavy use of soups
and stews (Baker 1980; Deetz 1977; Fairbanks 1984; Orser 1984; Otto 1984).
Other researchers have downplayed the importance of status as a determinant
of diet and have instead emphasized economic conditions. The diet of poor
planters often resembled the fare of overseers on large prosperous plantations
rather than the more sumptuous meals of wealthy planters (Moore 1985;
Orser 1984, 1987).
More recently, a notable increase in analyses into diet and sociocultural
behavior has stemmed from studies of consumer behavior in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries (see especially Friedlander 1991; Henry 1991; Holt
1991; Huelsbeck 1991; LeeDecker 1991; Spencer-Wood 1987). Beginning with
Rathje's Projet du Garbage in the 1970s~which quantified the refuse discarded
from modern twentieth-century households (Rathje 1979, 1982)~each passing
year produces more and more studies on consumerism. In part, this
efflorescence is linked to the growth of cultural resource management. In
efforts to protect sites from destruction, archaeologists regularly excavate areas
that were urbanized in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and are
destined for further development (Dickens 1982). Because of the abundance
of census and tax records for these areas, excavated remains can often be
identified with a specific neighborhood, barrio, or family. This has resulted in
a plethora of faunal analyses for households of the mid-nineteenth to early-
twentieth centuries (see Branstner and Martin 1987; Henry 1987;
Langenwalter 1980; LeeDecker et. al; Singer 1987; Shultz and Gust 1983; Reitz
and Zierden 1991; Staski 1987; Stewart-Abernathy and Ruff 1989). In general,
these studies have confirmed a positive correlation between rising income,
use of high-grade cuts of meat, and more diverse diet. However, they have
also made clear that many of the factors mentioned in the previous chapter
also affect household diet, including occupation (Bragdon 1988a), family life
cycle (LeeDecker et. al. 1987; LeeDecker 1991), market distribution (Riordan
and Adams 1984; Schuyler 1980), and site function (Reitz and Zierden 1991).
The case is less clear-cut for associations between ethnicity and diet.
Although food preferences would seem to be an integral component of ethnic
identity (Ijzereef 1988), archaeological studies of this relationship have been
equivocal. Scholars of plantation archaeology have suggested that the
common occurrence of cuts of meat for soups and stews at slave quarters and
at the site of a free black house reflect ethnic food preferences (Huelsbeck 1991;
Orser 1984); but there have been challenges to this interpretation (Reitz 1987).
Moreover, evidence for subsistence at the sites of Frederica, Georgia, and St.
Augustine have effectively demonstrated that local resources were a more
important determinant of diet than cultural traditions. The animal species in
British assemblages from St. Augustine differed markedly from species used
at British sites in Frederica; however, within St. Augustine, there was little
difference between British and Spanish subsistence (Reitz 1979; see also
Honerkamp and Reitz 1983).
While the relationship between ethnicity and foodways is ambiguous,
numerous studies in historical archaeology have testified to the
interrelationship of foodways and culture. Ethnoarchaeological evidence has
shown that butchering practices, cuts of meat, and consumer preferences
differ cross-culturally (Clonts 1983; Gust 1983). Food habits can be influenced
by religion, as suggested by Ijzereef's (1988) evidence in a study of Jewish
barrios in Amsterdam. At Fort Michilimackinac, fish was more prevalent in
French deposits than in British ones, possibly reflecting the Catholic practice
of eating fish on Fridays (Cleland 1970). Sometimes following a traditional
diet is one facet of maintaining closed ethnic enclaves within hostile
communities. Chinese communities in nineteenth-century Ventura,
California are a case in point (Greenwood 1980). Due to prejudice from white
society, Chinese grouped together in endogamous urban enclaves
(Greenwood 1980). Within the enclaves there was little evidence for
acculturation. Pork, butchered according to Chinese practices, was a major
component of diet. Material culture-including such food-related containers
as soy bottles-was also predominantly Chinese (Langenwalter 1980).
Even so, the relationship between ethnic identity and foodways is fluid.
Many factors can obscure or alter the relationship and the two are not
inextricably linked. The growth of rapid domestic and international
commerce has, in different circumstances, abetted or hampered the
maintenance of ethnicity. In the case of the Chinese, the tremendous
commodity flow of goods from the Orient through California ports helped to
sustain Chinese culture in a new environment (Garaventa and Pastron 1983;
Greenwood 1991: 26). Assimilation could be more prevalent among families
living in isolation from their own cultural group. The diet of the Blocks, a
Jewish family living in Wilmington, Arkansas in the 1840s, did not differ
radically from contemporary non-Jewish families. This is not to say they had
no conscious identity as Jewish Americans-only that this identity did not
seem to structure their diet(Stewart-Abernathy and Ruff 1989). On the other
hand, urban growth and the rise of commercial markets have at times
increased tensions between ethnic groups while at the same time melding
them in a single market system. In his study of early colonial El Paso, Staski
noted that Mexican and Anglo-American diets were culturally distinct (1987).
With the coming of the railroad, whites began to outnumber Mexicans and
received better-paying jobs. Hostility between the groups increased. This was
reflected archaeologically in a sharpening of differences in material culture.
Cultural differences in diet, on the other hand, began to disappear. Staski
attributed this in part to the growth of Texas' cattle industry. Beef was
abundant, cheap, and increasingly part of all residents' diet.
In general, studies of ethnicity and food preferences in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries have been complicated by the growth of cities and the
increasingly commercialized food industry. Ethnicity and traditional food
preferences continue to play a role in peoples' consumer choices, but the
latitude for choice has decreased as food production and marketing become
increasingly standardized (Henry 1987; Rothschild 1989). More and more,
faunal studies in the Industrial Age have to acknowledge the influence of
commodity flow, market penetration, and other aspects of distribution on
food consumption (Henry 1991; Riordan and Adams 1984; Schuyler 1980).
General Zooarchaeological Methods: Overview
This abbreviated survey of zooarchaeological literature in historical
archaeology should make it apparent that debate over how foodways relate to
other measurable aspects of culture is still volatile. Faunal analyses have
engendered ongoing critiques and reassessments of the field of
zooarchaeology and its goals, and through periodic reassessment
zooarchaeology has grown more sophisticated. Yet this very sophistication
makes the field less accessible to non-specialists. Without some background
in zooarchaeological methods, it is virtually impossible to decipher research
reports. Acronyms, symbols, and equations abound in even the simplest
presentations of faunal data. There is also an entire subdiscipline-generally
referred to as taphonomy-which sets down the potential factors that can bias
faunal samples. With this in mind, discussion of foodways in St. Augustine
is prefaced with a brief introduction to the principle methods for recovering,
quantifying, and interpreting animal bone from archaeological deposits.
To draw accurate inferences about subsistence or diet from
archaeological assemblages of bone, one has to be reasonably sure that the
recovered assemblage truly reflects what people consumed at the site. Many
factors can intervene to distort this picture. These factors are generally
referred to as taphonomic processes, and can be cultural or non-cultural
(Gilbert and Singer 1982). The major non-cultural process is preservation.
Animal skeletons can be dismembered by scavangers, displaced by
scavanging, trampling or burrowing, or adversely affected by soil chemistry
and climatic conditions (Hesse and Wapnish 1985; Kent 1984; Lyman 1987).
Over time, all of these factors can lead to the disappearance of individuals or
entire species or genera from an assemblage--and this in turn equates with a
loss of data about the subsistence base. Archaeologists have little control over
factors affecting preservation of bone. The risk of bias must be assessed by
taking soils and the condition of deposits into account. On the other hand,
recovery techniques-another source of bias-can be controlled. Repeated
studies have shown that the mesh size of screened used to collect faunal
samples will affect what is recovered. Small fish bones fall through screens
with 1/4 inch mesh. The loss of elements from fish will bias a sample by
over-representing the importance of large mammals or other large-boned
species in the assemblage (Hesse and Wapnish 1985). This problem can be
rectified through use of finer, 1/8 inch mesh screens. In tests of prehistoric
and historic sites in Florida where fish composed the most common species
in assemblages, 1 /8 inchmesh was found to be critical; smaller mesh sizes
tended to catch bones from species already represented in the 1/8 inch screen
and hence were not essential.
Sample size also affects faunal data. If a sample contains too few bones,
it may not accurately represent all of the animals used at a site.
Unfortunately, to date, there is little concurrence on what constitutes an
adequate sample of faunal material. Opinions on how large a sample should
be range from 1000 specimens (Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984) to 1400 specimens
or 200 animals (Wing and Brown 1979) to 10,000-16,000 animals (Gilbert and
Singer 1982)! This reflects the different number of species that can occur in
different environments. For St. Augustine, 200 animals does seem to
represent a point after which little new information is added to the sample;
however, it is important to note that relatively few faunal studies in
historical archaeology reach or exceed this sample size, and more than half
probably have samples ranging between 50 to 150 animals.
Even well-preserved and properly collected zooarchaeological samples
usually represent only a portion of all the animal bone deposited at a site
(Gilbert and Singer 1982). For this reason, faunal assemblages are generally
studied in terms of the relative abundance of species— that is, the percentage
each species represents out of the total. Comparison of faunal assemblages of
different sizes is easier when species represented are expressed in relative
abundance. One must be cautious about the validity of such comparisons
when sample size is small or when the taphonomy or recovery of the
To calculate relative abundance, one has to select a method of counting
the animals present. In general, zooarchaeologists have come to rely on four
forms of quantification for assessing faunal assemblages: number of
identified specimens (NISP); Mininum Number of Individuals (MNI); weight
of faunal remains; and estimates of the meat, live weight, or biomass
represented by animals in the assemblage. It is important to remember that
all these methods serve as a basis for characterizing and comparing different
assemblages in statistical terms and do not represent absolute numbers of
animals or biomass at the site. The underlying assumption is that with
adequate samples NISP, MNI, and the other methods will accurately reflect
the distribution of faunal resources at a site relative to one another. In
addition, these methods provide different characterizations of the same
assemblage. For assemblages from colonial St. Augustine it is important to
compare the results of MNI and biomass when assessing subsistence.
The number of identified specimens (NISP) is simply the total of all the
bones in an assemblage that can be identified to a species, genus, or family
(Grayson 1984; Wing and Brown 1979). Since many bones probably come
from the same animal, this total is almost always an over-estimate of the
number of animals in an assemblage (Klein and Cruz Uribe 1984). Moreover,
some animals have more bones in the skeleton than others. Goats, pigs, deer,
and cows have more or less the same number of bones in the skeleton, but
fewer bones than many types of fish. Hence, many zooarchaeologists prefer to
standardize their data by using MNI, the estimated Minimum Number of
Individuals, to represent the animals present in an assemblage. MNI
"indicates the smallest number of animals in a single species that can account
for all the bones of that species present" (Crabtree 1985). The most common
ways to calculate MNI are 1) to count the most numerous skeletal element of
each species (e.g., all the left femurs of a cow) (Wing and Brown 1979); 2) to
count right and left pairs of elements, plus any unmatched elements (Jolly
1983); or, 3) to count matched pairs and unmatched elements sorted by size,
age, and sex of the animal (Wing and Brown 1979).
In calculating MNI, one also must be specific about how deposits were
aggregated (see discussion in Grayson 1984; Crabtree 1985). As there is no one
accepted method of calculating MNI, it is necessary to specify the method used
Estimates of meat or biomass can also provide useful information. A
section of cow or pig may represent a large portion of edible meat--and hence
as great a contribution to diet-as several whole fish. The fact that an
assemblage contains evidence for only two cows and 40 fish may under-
represent the importance of beef in the sample. For this reason, along with
MNI, zooarchaeologists sometimes calculate how much meat is represented
by each species in the assemblage. This can be done by calculating live weight
(the total weight or biomass of an animal), edible meat weight (the actual
amount of usable meat that bone elements represent), or biomass (see below).
Live weight is seldom used as it is rare that an entire animal was consumed at
Both MNI and estimates of meat or biomass are controversial. The
principal problem with MNI is that it is affected by the manner in which it is
made. In addition it tends to over-represent rare species (1 bone = 1 animal)
and must be recalculated every time additional material is added to an
existing assemblage (Klein and Cruz Uribe 1984). Grayson (1984, 1989) is the
severest critic of MNI. He has shown repeatedly that both NISP and
Mininum Number of Individuals at a site correlate directly with sample size;
the more bones in an assemblage, the larger the NISP and MNI. This presents
problems when comparing large and small assemblages, because the
differences between them may be a reflection of sample sizes rather than of
human food habits (Grayson 1984). The best solution to this problem is to
make sure that samples are representative.
Many criticisms of MNI seem to stem from Grayson's work based
mostly in assemblages composed of mammal; since most mammals have
similar numbers of skeletal elements, Grayson has suggested that the straight-
forward use of NISP, rather than MNI, is the best index of relative
abundances. However, for assemblages composed of a broad range of
different species, MNI is an important means of controlling for differing
number of skeletal elements, which vary by species.
Problems introduced by sample size can be rectified either by using
adequate samples from all sites or through statistically testing how sample
size affects MNI.
The most important decision for historical archaeologists is whether to
use MNI or some other method of quantification, such as the Mininum
Number of Cuts. The latter may be more appropriate for time periods in
which people purchased meat through the marketplace.
Methods for estimating meat or biomass have undergone similar
critiques. It is important to recognize that these estimates reflect relative
abundances; they are not estimates of how much meat was actually consumed
(Crabtree 1985). For Spanish colonial sites, the preferred method is
calculation of biomass (Reitz 1979; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry
1985). Reitz has been the principal scholar to develop the method as used in
Florida and the Caribbean and defines biomass as a propotional amount of
meat and other tissue (including skin) calculated from the skeletal mass
recovered using allometric scaling (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 168; Reitz and
Scarry 1985: 18-20).
Virtually all studies for Spanish colonial sites from these areas have
followed Reitz's methods. Recently, an entirely new system has been
developed for studying subsistence at urban American sites. Several
zooarchaeologists have derived price indices for particular cuts of beef, pork,
and fish; they noted that more expensive cuts correlate with status. Lyman
(1987) and Huelsbeck (1991) have been critical of the methodologies used in
these studies. They believe sites ought to be compared by strictly economic
criteria-such as disposable income-as measured by cost-efficiency (what cuts
of meat a household buys versus the amount of money it spends). With this
in mind, Lyman has advocated that zooarchaeologists try to estimate what
butchering cuts are present in an assemblage. Huelsbeck has further refined
this, arguing that the unit of acquisition-what the customer buys at the
market-should be used as the basis for calculations.
Lyman and Huelsbeck's methods seem justified for nineteenth and
twentieth century sites-where poor and working class families spent a large
portion of their budget on provisions (LeeDecker 1991). For earlier time
periods, reference to disposable income, cost efficiency, or cuts of meat has less
utility. Not only do the variables become difficult to calculate, but it is
questionable whether people obtained their food primarily through markets.
Even in the early nineteenth century, most residences in Charleston procured
food from several channels~on-site butchering, purchase, and use of salted
meats (Reitz 1990). In Spanish Florida in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, settlers fed themselves via a diversified system of livestock raising,
gardening, hunting, fishing, and Indian tribute (see in particular Reitz 1990,
1992b, on Spanish subsistence at mission sites; Reitz and Scarry 1985 and
Scarry and Reitz 1990, on subsistence in sixteenth century Spanish Florida).
This system lasted well into the eighteenth century (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983).
For these reasons, biomass continues to be the basis for comparing Spanish
One other statistical measure is important in faunal analyses. This is
the measure known as diversity. It is possibly the most controversial of all—
although this does not prevent its wide usagae. Diversity can be defined as
being "composed of two distinct components: 1) the total number of species,
and 2) evenness (how the abundance data are distributed among the species"
(see Ludwig and Reynolds 1988: 85-98, for discussion; see also Bobrowsky 1982;
Bobrowsky and Ball 1989). The number of species in an assemblage is termed
its "richness". How many individuals occur within each species-or the
distribution of animals by species-is called the assemblage's "evenness".
When one compares evenness to some theoretical standard, the resulting
measure is called "equitability" (Ludwig and Reynolds 1988).
An assemblage with many species is considered more diverse than one
with only a few. Also, an assemblage which has many species, all equally
represented, is more diverse than an assemblage with many species but one
or two dominant species (Ludwig and Reynolds 1988). Richness and
evenness can be calculated independently or they can be calculated
simultaneously, in which case they are called measures of diversity (Leonard
and Jones 1989; Ludwig and Reynolds 1988) or measures of heterogeneity
(Bobrowsky and Ball 1989; Kintigh 1989).
The primary problem with diversity-as a statistic-is that it is affected
by sample size and that the samples are not truly random. (Grayson 1984,
1989; Kintigh 1989). The most widely used formula for diversity in
H* = - 1 pj logg pf
where "pf is the number of the i th species divided by the sample size"
(Shannon-Weaver 1949; Reitz and Scarry 1985: 20; see also Ludwig and
Reynolds 1988: 92). This formula has inherent biases (see Rindos 1989), but
the bias will be small provided the faunal sample is large (Ludwig and
Reynolds 1988). The other common formula-used for equitability-is
E = H7H max
where "H' is the diversity index and H max is the natural log of the number
of observed species" (Reitz and Scarry 1985: 20; see also Rindos 1989).
The number of different methods of quantification have been devised
so that zooarchaeologists can investigate the results of human behavior. At
the simplest level, the way people throw out their trash can distort
interpretations about their diet. On plantations, owners, overseers, and
slaves often dumped their trash in common areas; this blurs differences in
diet at the site (Reitz 1987). Family size or household size affects diet. Larger
groups consume more--and often more diverse-types of food. Other studies
have focused on family life cycle. In a study of nineteenth century
Wilmington, Delaware, LeeDecker and colleagues examined deposits from
several generations of the Murdick family. Diet appeared to be consistent
over time, although other aspects of provisioning the household did change
(LeeDecker et al. 1987). Another significant influence on both foodways is
occupation and site function. The circa 1700 tavern of Samuel Smith in
Massachusetts contained large quantities of broken drinking vessels and wine
bottles (Bragdon 1988)-reflecting the principal past-time of its clients. In
Charleston, sites from the market, surrounding hotels and taverns, and local
residences all have different types of faunal deposits (Reitz and Zierden 1991).
The current study was designed to be compatible and comparable with
Reitz and Cumbaa's analyses of First Spanish Period households. This was
done to facilitate long-term, diachronic study of colonial adaptation in
Spanish Florida. Although not the focus of this study, building a cumulative
database on foodways is important, and the methods of analysis and
quantification used here are consistent with previous research projects.
Faunal samples were taken from closed-context features from five
contemporaneous sites in late eighteenth-century St. Augustine (see
Appendix F for a list of proveniences and Table 8-1 for a list of the
households, their ethnic affiliation, and occupations). All bone was washed,
identified, and curated at the Florida Museum of Natural History, using
standard zooarchaeological methods and the museum's comparative skeletal
collection. Identification of bone was done in the spring and fall of 1991 by Dr.
Patricia Foster-Turley, a trained zoologist and zooarchaeologist, using the
museum's comparative collections. Calculation of MNI was done in
conjunction with the author. All subsequent calculations for biomass and
diversity are the author's and are explained below.
Table 8-1. Household Heads, Occupations, and Ethnic Affiliation of Late
Colonial Sites in St. Augustine
Household Head Occupation Affiliation Rank Size
Juan Jose Bousquet Surgeon Spaniard 4 6
Juan Sanchez Shipyard Foreman Spaniard 3 19
Bernard Segui Baker/Merchant Minorcan 1 12
GasparPapy Shopkeeper Minorcan 2 7
Juan Triay Farmer/Fisher Minorcan 5 5
The species lists recovered from deposits at each of these households
can be found in Appendix E. Recovery techinques varied by site. For the
Bousquet and Sanchez sites, only material from 1/4 inch screen material was
available for analysis. All other sites consisted of 1 /4 inch and fine screen
samples. This created a risk that the Bousquet and Sanchez sites would be
biased and not comparable with other assemblages. However, a test of
materials from the Segui and Papy samples suggests that this was not the case.
In these assemblages, fine screening-assessed separately from the large screen
material-did not alter the nature of the assemblage. No new species were
added to the assemblage, and MNI was affected in only one case, by the
addition of one individual in a species already represented. At the Triay site,
on the other hand, fine screening was essential to get a representative sample,
due to the large quantity of fish. Species lists represent material recovered by
1 /4 inch mesh for Bousquet and Sanchez and by large and fine screen for the
At each site, MNI was calculated from paired elements, accounting for
differences in age, sex, and size when appropriate. The faunal sample for
Bousquet, Segui, and Papy came from discrete features at their respective sites.
These consisted of two trash-filled wells (Bousquet), the fill of a privy (Papy),
and a large trash pit (Segui). In assessing MNI, deposits were aggregated as
follows: the features for Segui and Papy were treated as contemporary, single
deposits; for Bousquet, MNI was calculated for each well and then summed.
There was no evidence that the wells were interrelated. The samples for
Triay came from a well (British Period) and a large trash dump (Second
Spanish Period), both treated separately and considered to be homogeneous.
For Sanchez, numerous trash pits were used. These pits were aggregated
according to associations evident from stratigraphy and artifacts; MNI was
assessed separately for each group, and then summed for a site total.
The biomass calculations, also given in the species lists, were derived
using an allometric formula based on bone weight. This formula gives "a
proportional quantity of biomass for the skeletal mass recovered and has no
direct relationship either to original total body weight of the animal or to the
portion of that total body weight consumed" (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 168).
"Skeletal mass allometry assumes that only the meat adhering to the bone
was consumed, and therefore represents a proportional (mininum) estimate
of biomass" (Quitmyer 1988: 4). This method of assessing biomass has been
used extensively at sites in Florida and the Caribbean. The regression
formula given below is used to describe correlations between hard and soft
tissue weight and is used to estimate biomass as
where Y is the biomass and X is the bone weight. Y and X are both given in
kilograms. The constants for the variables a and b have been derived from
living animal populations for various species and are given in Table 8-2.
Background to Colonial Subsistence in St. Augustine
Based on Historic Documents
We have seen, in earlier chapters, that material culture was not
randomly distributed in St. Augustine's colonial population. Already we
have evidence that both ethnicity and social rank affected the material world.
In moving on to a treatment of food ways, we find additional support for the
role these social phenomena played in colonial life.
As with all aspects of colonial life in St. Augustine, full understanding
of the late eighteenth century must be based to some extent in knowledge of
what went before. Although the focus of this study is on Spanish and
Minorcan residents of St. Augustine in the late eighteenth century, analysis of
faunal material provides an important opportunity for furthering our
knowledge of human adaptation in Florida over the entire colonial period.
War and politics may have rewritten colonial boundaries and allegiences, but
they did not alter the ecological zones which shaped foodways in Spanish
Florida over time. Some consideration, too, needs to be given to the dietary
traditions of colonists in the late colonial period. Minorcan and Spanish diet
differed; so did the earing habits of different social strata.
Table 8-2. Allometric Values Used for Biomass in This Study
With Size of Sample Used to Generate Constants for
Predicting Biomass (kg) from Bone Weight (kg)
Source: Reitz and Scarry 1985: 67.
The First Spanish Period
Colonists in Spanish Florida in late colonial times inherited the
environment of earlier colonial times. Throughout its history St. Augustine
gave settlers access to a diverse eco-system in the surrounding beaches,
estuaries, marshes, and hammocks. Today, the coquina walls of the Castillo
de San Marcos project from amidst restored Victorian houses and gift shops,
set off by the fort's encircling perimeter of national park. Across the
Matanzas, the shoreline of Anastasia island is crowded with the homes of
residents. But as recently as the early twentieth century the bastions of the
Castillo rose uncluttered from open plain, and Anastasia's lowlying contours
were heavily enveloped in forest (see plates in Tanner 1989: 150-151). To
modern Floridians, this vista is familiar only through visits to parts of
protected, undeveloped sea islands such as Cumberland. Even with
development, though, one can still stand at the seawall in St. Augustine and
see the miles of surrounding salt marsh and estuarine waters which have
been a dominant ecological feature of the town throughout its history. So
pervasive are these eco-zones that they appeared in the earliest European
portrayals of northeastern Florida. De Bry's sixteenth-century engravings
depict a recognizable-if schematic-coastline of lowlying land, braided by a
network of rivers into islands and marshes. These engravings evince an
appreciation for local fauna. In one, deer prance in open clearings, with
native birds, including a turkey, gathered in the foreground. In another, an
alligator suns itself upon a river bank.
The first Spanish colonists tried to convert this environment in the
image of Spain; ultimately, it was the environment that converted them.
Although the founders of the colony in the sixteenth century expected it to
become economically self-sufficient, this never occurred. From the 1590s
onward, the Spanish Crown subsidized St. Augustine through situado s-
allotments of supplies and money transfered from New Spain to maintain
the garrison and pay colonial officials. Arrival of these supplies was subject to
many kinds of delays (Bushnell 1981); by the late seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries the intervals between shipments could last for years, so
that salaries were always in arrears and supplies short. As Reitz has noted in
studies of subsistence in Florida, the situado did not represent a dependable
food base (Reitz and Scarry 1985; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:153). Instead, for
daily subsistence Spaniards in St. Augustine relied on what could be obtained
from trade with Cuba and the British colonies and from local resources.
The role that trade played in the colonial subsistence is difficult to
assess. Little is known about Florida's commerce in exports and imports
during the First Spanish Period. Cattle ranching was sufficiently successful
that St. Augustine sent 800 head of cattle to Louisiana in 1727 (Gray 1933).
Exports of beef, pork, logwood, and products from the Caribbean may have
been the basis for the growing illicit trade with British merchants (see
Harman 1969, appendices). Vessels arriving at St. Augustine from Charleston
brought supplies of flour, wine, cheese, and dry goods (Harman 1969; 15-16,
appendices). In the 1730s, vessels outbound from St. Augustine carried cargos
of logwood, planking, or oranges. However, an increasing number bound for
Charleston or New York carried ballast only, suggesting they were engaged on
voyages to provision the colony and intended to pay on credit or with species
(Harman 1969: 84-90). This was a practice which would become common in
the late colonial period.
Besides commerce with the British colonies, local merchants also
commissioned shipments of goods from Havana. Between 1731 and 1741, St.
Augustine supported 12 stores as well as the royal store provisioning the
garrison (Grihan 1756, cited in Reitz and Cumbaa 1983).
The Second Spanish Period
When the Spanish returned to Florida in 1784, the apparatus for
provisioning the town was markedly different from that in the First Spanish
Period. Previous chapters have already discussed the economic revolution
which drew Cuba and other Spanish American possessions into regional
trade with the United States. This was to have profound implications for life
in Florida. The second Spanish occupation, like the first, was financed in part
by situados. In contrast to the earlier period, this subsidy appears to have
arrived regularly at St. Augustine and functioned as collateral against loans of
credit with which Spanish Florida purchased supplies from the United States
(Bermudez 1989; Tornero Tinajero 1979).
An analysis of shipping records for the period 1787-1803, discussed in
the previous chapter, demonstrated that shipping traffic between St.
Augustine and other ports was heavy compared to what had characterized the
First Spanish Period. Even during two years of local insurrections in 1794-
1795, the town received an average of two ships per month. In other years,
ships arrived at the rate of one or more per week. This represented private
shipping-usually in vessels owned by residents of St. Augustine.
Additionally, one must count the arrival of situado vessels, of ships bearing
immigrants, and of vessels engaged by Panton, Leslie and Company in the
Indian trade. While this commerce was small compared to major ports of the
day, it nonetheless kept St. Augustine regularly supplied.
The most important commodity imported into Spanish Florida, in
terms of overall trading volume, was foodstuffs, followed by liquor, wines,
and beer (Cusick 1991). Shipments of food probably represented a mixture of
public and private expenditures. Especially during the 1780s, when the colony
was re-establishing itself, local merchants received commissions from the
governor to purchase necessities at U.S. ports. These supplies were placed
under consignment to the Hacienda Real for support of the garrison and
town population. However, private merchants--in addition to operating as
agents for the government-used such voyages to stock their own warehouses
and to fill order for goods from planters, shopkeepers, and owners of taverns
(Patricia Griffin personal communication; EFP, "Shipping Arrivals," Bundles
The United States was a crucial source of basic foodstuffs. During the
1780s, New York and Philadelphia were important for barreled fish, flour and
other grains, lard, butter, and cheese (see Table 4-7). However, over time,
merchants in St. Augustine most consistently dealt with Charleston, and to a
lesser extent Savannah, for these supplies. Like Havana and other Spanish-
American towns in the Caribbean, St. Augustine was an importer of U.S.
flour-usually wheat flour. This replaced the First Spanish Period
dependence on locally produced and ground maize. Other regularly derived
staples included bacalao (salt cod), salted pork and beef, tocino (bacon), beans,
peas, onions, rice, potatoes, and cheese. The United States was also principal
supplier of the lard and butter so essential to eighteenth-century cooking.
Commerce with Havana, in addition to situado supplies, provided a
complex of Caribbean products shipped to Spanish Florida via private
commerce. Sugar composed almost 80 percent of cargos coming from
Havana, but shipments of olives, olive oil, spices, coffee, and chocolate were
The most popular beverages-based on availability-were rums,
brandies, and wine. From Havana came a regular supply of Spanish and
Canary Island brandies and wines from Malaga. Ships returning from
Charleston frequently brought bordeaux's and other wines from France. Beer
and gin were also imported, but judging from the quantities shippped were
never widely popular among townsfolk. The prevalence of coffee and
chocolate suggest that the Spanish American predilection for these drinks
held as well in St. Augustine. By the 1790s, tea-imported from the United
States-probably joined coffee as a typical refreshment.
External trade may have played a more central part in provisioning late
colonial St. Augustine than had been true for the First Spanish Period. A
decline in the importance of hunting would not be unexpected; however, the
growth of commerce should not obscure the continued importance of local
wild and domestic resources. These still constituted the dietary staple. Even
before the Spanish return, the few Spanish residents living under British rule
maintained large cattle herds near St. Augustine; the desire not to lose their
herds and lands was, in fact, one reason they remained in Florida during the
British Period. Pigs~both wild and feral—still abounded, and the Spaniards
continued to introduce livestock. An inventory from the probate of Colonel
Jose Maria de la Torre, commander of the 3rd Battalion Cuban Infantry, noted
the following: "2 male and 4 female turkeys; 12 hens; 4 chickens; 2 guinea
fowl; 12 English ducks; 2 Muscovy ducks; 1 cock; 1 ram; 1 small pig" (EFP
"Testamentary Proceedings," Bundle 350, Reel 147).
For the gentry, not only food but food tastes were imported. Commerce
brought in its wake attendant concerns about the fashions currently in vogue
in Europe. The wife of governor Zespedes, arriving in St. Augustine during
the British evacuation, noted with admiration that women in the leading
British families dressed according to the latest Parisian protocol (Tanner 1989).
What applied to clothes also applied to cuisine. Early in the Second Spanish
Period, a visiting general of the American Revolution, Nathaniel Greene,
commented that French cooking was the rule at formal occasions (Tanner
That French culture dictated mores among the colonial elite should
not be surprising in a time period that straddled the French Revolution and
the Napoleanoic era. But French food was a specialty, not a daily fare. The
Condesa de Merlin, an aristocratic Spaniard married to one of Napolean's
generals, visited her uncle in Havana in the 1840s--some twenty years after
the close of the period under consideration here. In her memoir of the trip,
she had the following to say about meals among the Cuban gentry:
"There is no affluent household that does not have a French cook or
that could not combine on their table, in this fashion, courses more exquisite
than French cuisine, with the riches of the kind that nature lavishes upon
" Habaneros eat a little at a time, like birds; at whatever hour of the day,
you find them with a [piece of] fruit or a lump of sugar in their mouths; for
the rest of the time, they prefer vegetables, fruit, and above all rice; meat is a
sustenance little suited to the climate. They are temperate in diet rather than
gourmets. Members of the upper class, notwithstanding the European
sumptuousness of their tables, reserve a true predilection for creole dishes.
They like other dishes, but they dine principally on the latter. The first is an
opulent specialty they serve to entertain strangers; the other is part of their
basic furnishings, somewhat faded by use, but which fit the tucks in the body
and whose cloth they prefer to cashmere or brocade" (Merlin 1974: 94-95
Background to Colonial Subsistence in St. Augustine
Based on Zooarchaeological Data
Until this study, there was no zooarchaeological database for the late
colonial period in St. Augustine. This is in contrast to the enormous body of
data that has been accumulated over the past fifteen years on the First
Spanish Period. Such information is crucial for understanding late colonial
susbsistence, even though the ecology of the region remained fairly stable.
As noted above, trade may have been important in supplying Florida
with bulk grains and barreled meats and lards during the early colonial
period. However, the colonial subsistence base derived in large part from
local livestock, wild resources, and the produce of surrounding missions.
Most of our information about this subsistence base has come in the from of
From the sixteenth century onwards, colonists introduced European
domesticates and cultigens to Florida. Sheep and goats-the traditional
livestock of Andalusia, Spain—did not adapt well in Florida and were unable
to fend off wild predators (Reitz 1992b; Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry and Reitz
1990). Pigs, on the other hand, flourished— as they had in the Caribbean
islands— and the colony seems to have abounded in both feral and domestic
strains. Cattle also adapted well to Florida, although their numbers became
significant only after the early seventeenth century (Reitz 1992a, 1992b). San
Luis de Talamali, a late seventeenth-century mission near present-day
Tallahassee, was apparently very successful in raising chickens and cattle.
Remains from these animals, as well as deer, are more abundant in trash
deposits at this mission than in any othe part of Spanish Florida, including St.
Augustine (Reitz 1992a: 3-4, 12).
Colonists succeeded as well in transfering to Florida a variety of Old
World cultigens, including figs, peaches, pomegranates, watermelon,
canteloupes, oranges, and garlic (Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry and Reitz 1990).
They also introduced beans and chili peppers from Mexico. Many of these
would have been cultivated in garden plots immediately around houses and
in the fields and orchards outside of town. Added to this complex were the
indigenous cultigens of squash, beans, and maize. During the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, missions throughout Timucua and Apalachee
territory provided game, livestock, and a portion of their harvests as tribute
(Hahn 1988: 136; Reitz 1992a). The headquarters of the Franciscans in St.
Augustine was apparently a beneficiary; remains of deer and chicken at this
convento occur in greater quantity than at most other sites in the town (Reitz
1992a). Indians brought other foods to market, including dried turkey, fish,
game, and saltback (Bushnell 1981: 11).
A wide array of wild fauna was also available around St. Augustine.
Estuarine and coastal fishes were a staple in the diet of most colonists. Sites
abound with bones from drum, catfish, mullet, and sheephead, though
settlers caught many other species. Wild ducks, wading birds, and shore birds
could be hunted or snared in the surrounding marshes and sea islands. Feral
hogs inhabited marshes and turkeys could be found in upland and forest.
Hunting of deer was common, and small mammals-opossum, rabbit,
raccoon-have been found in domestic site assemblages from all periods.
Colonists also captured alligators and turtles, with gopher tortoise being a
common feature in the local diet.
Faunal data from all three centuries of the First Spanish Period show
that the subsistence base of St. Augustine was remarkably consistent over
time, drawing heavily on exploitation of deer, gopher tortoises, sea catfishes,
drums, and mullets (Reitz 1992a). In general "when comparing the faunal
evidence among the centuries for evidence of change in animal use at St.
Augustine, stability in the subsistence strategy is more characteristic than
change" (Reitz 1992a: 5). In most colonial households, more than 80 percent
of the identified animals (based on MNI) were wild taxa. The number of
domestic individuals-cattle, pig, and chicken-usually ranged between 9
percent and 15 percent in the samples (Reitz 1992a). However, beef
contributed more to the diet as time went on. In the early eighteenth century,
domestic animals typically represented 17 percent or more of the individuals
recovered in samples at middle- and upper-class households, and accounted
for more than 80 percent of the total biomass at these sites (Reitz and Cumbaa
1983: Table 8.11).
Our most in-depth knowledge of diet among Spanish Florida's
colonists comes from archaeological work on the Iberian, American-born, and
mestizo familes of early eighteenth-century St. Augustine. Reitz and Cumbaa
found that colonial diet diverged considerably from Iberian traditions, but
that high status households tried to minimize the differences. Table 8-3
presents a list of the sites, giving the household heads and ethnic affiliations
in their study (see Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: Tables 8.3-8.8 for species lists of
these sites; tables summarizing faunal data by types of animals exploited and
by major species exploited are presented in the analysis section). Through use
of town censuses and maps, the authors were able to correlate archaeological
deposits at six sites with known residents. This formed the basis for their
study of how diet varied according to social rank and ethnicity in the First
Table 8-3. Site Numbers, Occupants, and Ethnic Affiliation of Eighteenth
Century First Spanish Period Sites
Site Number Occupant Affiliation
SA-16-23 Maria de la Cruz Mestizo
SA-13-5 Gertrudis de la Pasqua Criollo
SA-7-4 Geronimo Jose de Hita y Salazar Criollo
SA-7-6 Antonio de Mesa Criollo
SA-36-4 Francisco Ponce de Leon Criollo
SA-34-2 Cristoval Contreras Peninsular
Source: Deagan 1983.
In general, variability across sites followed predicted patterns. Use of
wild terrestrial fauna was found to correlate with status-the Contreras and de
Leon assemblages containing the most and the mestizo collection the least
(Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 177). Use of fish was negatively correlated-with the
mestizo household being most dependent on marine resources. Pork and
game were important parts of the diet at both the top and bottom of the social
scale. By contrast, the mid-ranking criollo households seem to have relied
more on beef and fish as a staple. The authors concluded that peninsular and
wealthy Creole households attempted to maintain an Old World mixed
subsistence base, substituting wild fauna where possible for beef, which was
not a major component of traditional Spanish diet. The relatively large
quantity of pork in upper-status diet tends to confirm this. Faunal evidence
drawn from the entire database on Spanish Florida suggests that pork was
harder to obtain in the eighteenth century than at earlier times (Reitz 1992a:
7). Beef, on the other hand, was widely available and also distributed as
rations. This perhaps explains why less affluent criollos had to diverge more
from Iberian patterns and used beef as their mainstay. The mestizo
household followed a broad-based subsistence strategy; its heavy use of fish
resembled subsistence strategies employed by indigenous peoples both in pre-
colonial and colonial times. For the most part, one would expect Spanish diet
in the late colonial St. Augustine to resemble that of earlier periods.
Spanish and Minorcan Diet in Late Colonial St. Augustine
These are the baseline data --documentary and archaeological— for a
study of late colonial foodways. They provide us with clues, but not
understanding, regarding subsistence among late colonial families. For this
we must move to the sketchy evidence provided in accounts of what
Spaniards and Minorcans ate in the 1790s and early 1800s and to the analysis
of food remains from our colonial sample.
The Condesa de Merlin's description of dinner parties in Havana,
while full of charm, provided no specific examples of what Cuban "creole"
dishes comprised. This is of interest, since the Spanish upper class families of
St. Augustine in the late eighteenth century were principally either cubanos
or else Iberian Spaniards who spent most of their lives in Havana. A slightly
more detailed glimpse of Cuban lifestyle comes from the published letters of
Robert Francis Jameson, an official of the British Navy, who visited "La
Habana" in 1820, at the close of Florida's colonial period:
"The Cuban gentleman gets up early and takes a cup of chocolate as
soon as he rises. He then lights his tobacco and takes a walk along the avenue
or [other] vantage points, or goes horseback riding. At ten o'clock [the family]
takes almuerzo : fish, meat, soup, eggs with ham, wine, and coffee" (in Perez
de la Riva 1981: 61 [trans, mine]).
A better account, however, is that of David Turnbull, an American
naval officer and abolitionist, who visited Cuba in 1838-39 to report on
slavery. He gave no description of typical Cuban meals, but discussed
resources on the island and how people provisioned themselves. Turnbull
noted the abundance of cattle and pigs, which far outnumbered goats and
sheep, although these were also raised. Poultry included hens, English
gamecocks (raised primarily for cock-fights), goose, turkey, pigeon, and
peacock. Partridges, previously abundant, were reduced in number. Cubans
hunted turtles and would raid the nests of sea turtles at night for their eggs.
The land crab population was so large in some areas that people riding on
horseback had to take care to avoid places undermined by their dens. Fish
varied widely by region, but Turnbull noted that in the market at Havana the
most abundant species were two he identified only as viajaca (biajaca) and
mojarra . Shark was also sold at market. Local "market gardeners" provided
the city's vegetables and fruits (Turnbull 1969: 324-333).
Much of what was done on Cuba could have also been practiced in
Florida and we can expect that Spanish elites of the late colonial period
followed a diet comparable to those of the peninuslares or middle strata
criollos of the First Spanish Period, as described by Reitz and Cumbaa.
The Minorcans composed the other major colonial group whose
foodways are addressed in this study. They were the chief suppliers of St.
Augustine's market in fresh fish, fruit, and vegetables, a role they aquired
during the British Period. At that time, released from their obligations as
indentured plantation workers, the Minorcans had returned to their
traditional occupations of small scale farming, gardening, and fishing. Their
ten years of hard-won experience in New Smyrna provided them with first-
hand knowledge about farming in Florida (Griffin 1990). The market for food
expanded during the American Revolution, as St. Augustine's population
swelled with the ranks of Loyalists fleeing the colonies. This proved a boon
for the Minorcans, who profited from increased demand.
By the time that Florida reverted to Spanish rule, Minorcans were
central to the provisioning of St. Augustine. The most successful had already
moved into shipping— thus broadening their role in the marketplace. They
continued to be the main providers of fresh fish, fruits, and vegetables,
although increasingly they had competition from Seminoles in the provision
of wild game. As in earlier times, residential lots in St. Augustine were
nestled amidst lots given to gardens. The orange grove of Jose Peso de
Burgo separated the houses of Bernardo Segui, one of the subjects of our
archaeological analysis, and the house and store of Andres Ximenez, a
Spanish merchant. Fruit groves were valuable enough to be inventoried and
assessed for taxes in probate records. The 1793 probate of Catalina Rideveto,
wife of Vicente Pedro Casaly, noted that the solar -or yard-held an orchard of
15 orange trees, 1 sour orange tree, 5 peach trees, 2 lemon trees, 2 plum trees,
and 1 quince tree. All of these were cultivated on Minorca.
Little is known from archaeological contexts about the diet of colonial
Minorcans in Florida. There has been no systematic excavation of Minorcan
sites from the New Smyrna plantation. However, there are eighteenth
century accounts of diet on Minorca as well as ethnohistoric studies of the
New Smyrna colony. Most of what follows draws heavily from the accounts
of John Armstrong, a British engineer, and of Dr. George Cleghorn, a British
military surgeon, both of whom lived on Minorca during the 1740s and 1750s.
Patricia Griffin's comprehensive study of Minorcan life in Florida between
1768 and 1788 is also a basic source (Griffin 1990).
Armstrong and Cleghorn both drew attention in their works to the
importance of fishing on Minorca and to the popularity of hunting game
birds. Cleghorn used his years of service on Minorca to compile data on the
incidence of disease and wrote a highly regarded treatise on the epidemiology
of the island. This work was prefaced with a brief account of Minorcan life.
His account included a list of some three dozen fish commonly caught along
the coast. Some of these were species also common along the Florida coast,
notably mullet, which continue to attract Minorcan fishermen in St.
Augustine to this day. A sample of Cleghorn's list, focusing on species with
habitats around both Minorcan and Florida, is given in the Table 8-4.
Minorca also provided ample pasture for cattle, sheep, and goats "but of
all kinds of meat none is here in so great plenty and perfection as pork-nor is
any other so much esteemed by the native" (Cleghorn 1779: 31). Domestic
poultry consisted of a complex similar to that raised by Spaniards on Cuba:
ducks, turkeys, geese, and chicken.
Game on Minorca included rabbit, hedgehog, and land turtle, the latter
two apparently hunted by the poor. Sea turtle was a marine resource.
However, the most avidly sought game seem to have been wild birds.
Cleghorn's list of game birds mentioned ring doves, red-legged partridges,
stone curlews, quails, blackbirds, solitary sparrows, nightingales, goldfinches,
wild ducks, widgeons, teal, coot, water hens, kingfishers, and rock pigeons
(1779: 32-33). These were most often served at the tables of the affluent.
Table 8-4. Taxa of Fish Found Near Minorca and Florida
Taxa Identified by Cleghorn Catalan
Peix de espasa
Source: Cleghorn 1779.
Armstrong was less explicit in his account of life on Minorca but he
noted many of the fish mentioned by Cleghorn and drew attention to a fish
that he identified as Acus, or sea-pike. "It comes on our coast in vast
Shoals in the Autumn ... It is highly regarded by the Spaniards ... and eats
somewhat like the mackarel" (1756: 163). Like Cleghorn, Armstrong observed
that the dons, or well-to-do, had a passion for hunting partridges and birds of
passage (Armstrong 1756: 205). Indeed, the importance of hunting game bird
of all sizes was still remarked upon by visitors to Minorca in the early
twentieth century (Chamberlain 1927: 133).
Much of native Minorcan diet, however, was vegetarian. In his review
of Minorcan gardening and agriculture, Cleghom wrote: "They likewise sow
beans, chichlings, chich pease, two species of kidney bean, and lentils; these
being a considerable part of their diet at such time as they are prohibited from
eating meat, by their religion" (1779: 8-9). Other cultigens present year-round
were cabbage, colewort, lettuce, spinach, endive, beets, parsley, cresses, leeks,
onions, garlic, celery, radishes and horseradish, sage, mint, sweet and wild
majoram, thyme. In winter, this was supplemented with carrots, parsnips,
turnips, artichokes, asparagus, and cauliflower. In summer, Minorcans also
raised "various kinds of cucumbers, pompions, musk melons, and
watermelons of great plenty and perfection" (Cleghorn 1779: 9-11). All kinds
of citrus grew well and there were a host of wild plants, including fennel,
puslane, sowthistle, watercress, and capers, many of which were eaten during
times of scarcity. The myrtle was abudant and its leaves were used to tan
leather and manufacture a black dye for clothing. Its berries were eaten in
times of famine (Cleghorn 1779).
In a general statement on diet, the surgeon concluded: "Bread, of the
finest wheat flour, well-fermented and well-baked, is more than half the diet
of people of all ranks. Scarce a fifth of their whole diet is furnished from the
animal kingdom; and of this fish makes up much the most considerable
portion" (1779: 35).
In coming to Florida, the Minorcan community had to adjust to two
things: the new environment and the hardships of indentured servitude,
which structured their lives and prevented them from following many of the
subsistence activities they were familiar with in the Old World. Scarcity and
want reduced the immigrants at times to starvation provender. "As recently
as the depression of the 1930s there are reports of Minorcan families near St.
Augustine weathering hardtimes by eating acorn broth [Manucy 1975]"
(Griffin 1990: 61). On the plantation, Minorcans hunted deer when possible,
captured gopher tortoise, and followed their traditional practices of fishing,
especially for abundant species, such as mullet, which were familiar from Old
World contexts (Griffin 1990: 61-63). Some raised chickens for sale but before
chickens were numerous settlers took sea turtle eggs as a substitute for
chicken eggs (Griffin 1990: 61). They continued also to hunt birds, including
such waterfowl as wood stork and marsh hens.
Upon escaping plantation life and moving to St. Augustine, the
Minorcans seem to have returned to more traditional foodways. With their
own gardens and farms, they were able to produce fruits and other crops. In
the morning families would eat bread seasoned with oil or vinegar and salt
and pepper; other meals included vegetable stews augmented by fish or game
(Griffin 1990: 176). Fishing and oystering were widespread. Of 176 Minorcans
with known occupations for the years 1784-1788, only seven listed their
profession as fisherman; but this masked the fact that many Minorcans
engaged in fishing on a part-time or seasonal basis (Griffin 1990:152, 179).
Thus, previous zooarchaeological work on Spanish Florida, as well as
historical accounts of life on Cuba and Minorca, provide broad parameters for
both foods and food preferences that might have been pursued in St.
Augustine. Turning now to the fauna recovered archaeologically, we find
that may aspects of traditional diet, as well as accomodation to the local
ecology, characterized the foodways of the Second Spanish Period.
ZOOARCHAEOLOGY OF SPANISH AND MINORCAN HOUSEHOLDS
Zooarchaeology and food remains are clearly important in their
potential to tell us about diet and social differentiation in St. Augustine. In
comparing the diet of Second Spanish Period households, we return to the
basic axes used in the chapter on material culture: socioeconomic position
and ethnicity. Is there evidence that household foodways were more or less
similar along one of these axes?
Zooarchaeology of Spanish and Minorcan Households
To date, there has been little written on subsistence in the Second
Spanish Period, primarily because of a shortage of data. Prior to this study,
the largest and most representative data base for the late eighteenth century
came from the Ximenez-Fatio site (Reitz and Brown 1984). The species list for
this site is reproduced in Appendix E. Increased trade in St. Augustine in late
colonial times suggests that colonists would be more reliant on domestic
fauna. Yet at the Ximenez-Fatio site, domestic sources of meat seem to have
been less-not more-important than in the First Spanish Period, with fish,
aquatic reptiles, and wild terrestrial fauna all making significant contributions
to diet. Turtle was particularly prevalent. Excavations recovered an entire
sea turtle carapace from a refuse pit. More elements were recovered from a
well and associated well-construction pit (Ewen 1984; Reitz and Brown 1984).
The biomass represented by turtle in the assemblage was almost as much as
for cow (see Reitz and Brown 1984: Table 10).
In fact, there are reasons to suspect that the Ximenez site is atypical of
the Second Spanish Period. The large numbers of sea turtle may reflect
seasonal hunting. In addition, the trash pit and well which provided most of
the faunal sample stood in an orange grove owned by the Peso de Burgo
family and located between the lots of the Segui and Ximenez families. There
is no way to determine which family deposited trash on the lot and it is
possible that deposits represented a mixture of refuse from several families.
In any case, the Ximenez" site data are remarkably at variance with data from
the sites examined below.
The households from the late colonial period used in this study have
already been discussed in Chapter 4 and identified but Table 8-1. These
households represent a small segment of the social spectrum than did those
used for the First Spanish Period by Reitz and Cumbaa. With the exception of
the Triays, all the households considered here were affluent (although to
differing degrees), and even the Triays' social position improved over time.
In terms of income, Segui and Papy were the most affluent but
Bousquet and Sanchez had salaries above the mean of 380 pesos per year for
civil servants. The Usina household, included in the analysis of ceramic
assemblages, had no accessible faunal assemblage and is not included here.
The Triay site is the only representative of a poor family. Fortunately, faunal
data for this family are available not only from the late Spanish colonial
period but also from the immediately preceding British Period, providing
some time depth on foodways at this site. If there was such a thing as an
"average" Minorcan family, the Triays probably represented it, making a
living from what they grew in their fields or caught in their nets.
Results and Interpretation
Overall, the species most abundantly represented in the assemblages
continue to be those that were consistently important in St. Augustine over
time: domestical mammals, poultry, and fish, especially such species as
mullet, catfish, and drum. For comparative purposes, data on the Second
Spanish Period households were organized into tables used by Reitz and
Cumbaa in their analysis of First Spanish Period sites (1983). The first of these
tables shows the distribution of species at each household grouped into broad
categories represented by MNI (see Table 9-1) and by biomass (see Table 9-2).
In most respects, subsistence at the wealthy representives of the Second
Spanish Period-the Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui households-exhibited a
range and distribution of species similar to the criollo and peninsulare
families of the First Spanish Period. (The Papy assemblage, because of some
specialized activities, is more difficult to compare and will be discussed in
more detail below). Two chi-square tests, based on the biomass data in Table
9.2 and reproduced in Appendix E, were run to compare the Bousquet,
Sanchez, and Segui assemblages with those from mid-level criollo and
wealthy households of the earlier colonial period. In both cases, the test
showed no statistically significant difference in the relative frequency of
general faunal categories contributing to diet between the two time periods.
The mainstays of all households seem to have been domestic sources of meat
supplemented by fish and wild game.
A closer comparison of these same sites suggests that the Second
Spanish Period households were most similar to the wealthiest households
of the First Spanish Period as represented by the de Leon and Contreras sites.
This is apparent in the tables showing more specific information for relative
frequencies of various types of animals during the First and Second Spanish
Periods, particularly with respect to the importance of pig, deer, and cow as
contributors to diet (see Tables 9-3, 9-4, 9-5, 9-6). Reitz and Cumbaa's (1983)
study of foodways in the First Spanish Period indicated that the affluent de
Leon and Contreras households consumed relatively more pork than mid-
level criollo households. They interpreted the mixed reliance on pork and
beef in the wealthier households as "conforming more closely to the barnyard
strategy of the Old World" (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 184). Mid-level
households relied more heavily on beef.
The wealthy Second Spanish Period households also seem to conform
to a mixed strategy of using pork and beef. A chi-square test comparing the
mean values of biomass for pig, deer, and cow showed no statistical difference
between the Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui assemblages and those of de Leon
and Contreras. However, pork was much more significant as a contributor in
these assemblages than in mid-level criollo assemblages from the earlier
period (X 2 .005 = 12.55 with two degrees of freedom; rejection of null
hypothesis if X 2 > 10.5966. See Appendix E).
Measures of diversity also tended to show a general similarity between
the wealthiest households of the two periods (see Table 9-7). The mean and
median diversity (based on MNI) is lower for the Second Spanish Period but
this is attributable to the low diversity values of the Triay assemblage, a poor
Minorcan household. With this assemblage eliminated, the mean and
median diversities are very close and the values for equitability almost
identical. In this case, diversity does not correlate with the site sample sizes as
measured by either NISP or MNI (see Table 9-8) and hence does not seem to
be a function of sample size.
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Table 9-8. Comparison of NISP, MM, and Diversity for Sites
Triay (Span II)
Comparison of the Second Spanish Period Faunal Assemblages
Among themselves, the Second Spanish Period sites display
considerable variation. The most exceptional case is that of Triay. In both the
British and Second Spanish periods, 90 percent of the animals recovered at
this site were fish, accounting for 84 percent and 71 percent of estimated
biomass, respectively (see Tables 9-1 and 9-2). There is no comparable site
from eighteenth century St. Augustine. The Triay household thus accords
closely with documentary sources that say Minorcans derived a substantial
portion of their subsistence from fishing. Fish was the major animal
component of diet at the Triay site during both the British and Second
Spanish Period. Mullet contributed significantly to diet (20 percent of MNI
during the Second Spanish Period and almost 30 percent of MNI during the
British Period). This bears out the local St. Augustine traditions-prevailing
even to this day-that associate Minorcans with mullet fishing. However, the
biomass calculations suggest that catfish and drum were also important.
Given the abundance of fish at the Triay site, species diversity was also high.
This is most evident in the diversity and equitability measures for biomass.
Triay's household drew sustenance from a wide array of species and, unlike
the other households, terrestrial animals were no more important than
marine ones. The greatest difference between Triay and other households,
however, was the reliance on off-shore species of fish, such as jack ( Caranx
hippos) , pompano or mojarra ( Diapterus sp), porgy ( Calamus sp), and seatrout
( Cynosion sp). These typically constituted between 8 percent and 10 percent
of the MNI in other assemblages. However, for the Second Spanish Period
occupation at the Triay site, these species accounted for almost 25 percent of
MNI (see data on Triay site in Appendix E).
While it is true that sample size was small for the Triay household,
two studies using additional samples from the British Period well came up
with almost identical distributions for species (Fernandez-Sardina 1991;
Trocolli 1991). Hence, there is little possibility that the results of analysis were
a product of sample bias.
Moreover, a recently completed analysis of fauna from another
Minorcan site within the Minorcan Quarter, the Pellicer-de Burgo site (SA-7-
7), fish constituted about 76 percent of MNI and mullet about 30 percent
(Mary Herron, personal communication, April 20, 1993). This site was
occupied by poor Minorcans throughout the late colonial period and the
similarity of its assemblage to that of SA-12-26 is worth note.
Fish were not the only part of the diet, however. Studies were also
done of the shellfish and the plant remains recovered from the British Period
contexts of the Triay occupation at SA-12-26.
The analysis of the well material included an assessment of shellfish
recovered from the site. While shell can be present at sites in St. Augustine
for many reasons (i.e., its use as construction material), shell in the Triay well
appears to have been the remains of oyster and clam harvested for food.
Deposits of clumped oyster shell and of quahogs ( Mercenaria mer cenary
were recovered from throughout the well deposit. Study of growth
increments in quahogs suggest that collection of clams was done in late
winter or early spring. The Triays may have harvested shellfish on a
seasonal basis as a dietary supplement. Unfortunately, biomass estimates for
the oyster and clam were not available at the time of this writing (Quitmyer
More evidence for foodways comes from botanical data. The Triay site
was the only one in the sample for which botanical data were available, and
these were derived only from the British Period well where it was possible to
retrieve plant remains from below water table. Cultivated species were
consistent with what is known about Minorcan practices of backyard
gardening and comprised "vegetable and grain crops, such as squash, cowpea,
and maize; fruit trees, citrus in particular; chili pepper and perhaps also
parsley for spices; peanut for nut oil and perhaps fodder for animals; and
gourds for containers and/or seed oil" (Newsom 1990: 21, 1991). The
identification of citrus, parsely, and possibly carrot in the well all represent
species commonly cultivated on Minorca (Cleghom 1779: 8-11). Pomegrante,
another garden cultigen common on Mincorca, has also been identified in the
Triay assemblage (Newsom, personal communication, April 5, 1993).
Recovery of purslane (Portulaca oleracea) is of interest as this grows in the
wild on Minorca and was eaten in times of scarcity (Cleghorn 1779). Many of
the species identified are also components of the stew described as a typical
Minorcan fare from the eighteenth century onwards (Griffin 1990).
The other four sites are more comparable and indeed demonstrate a
general similarity. The two Spanish households of Bousquet and Sanchez
had high diversity (based on MNI) and a fairly equitable distribution of
species (see Table 9-5). The most frequently recovered species were fish;
however, estimates of biomass indicate that more than 80 percent of the diet
came from beef and pork. The differences at these sites were primarily in the
use of specific species. Both hardhead catfish ( Arius felis) and gafftopsail
catfish ( Bagre marinus) were unusually common at the Bousquet site. They
accounted for 36 percent of total MNI and about 50 percent of the fish in the
sample, more even than in the Triay assemblages. Pigs were especially
prevalent in the Sanchez deposits. Both the Bousquet and Sanchez
assemblages show a general conformity in terms of range of species exploited
with Spanish assemblages of the First Spanish Period.
Evalutation of diet at the Minorcan household of Gaspar Papy was
complicated by evidence for specialized activities at the site. Almost 44
percent of the animals recovered from the privy at this site were chickens.
The elements recovered-mostly heads and feet-suggest that the Papys raised
poultry for slaughter and that slaughter refuse was thrown into the privy (see
Tables 9-9 and 9-10). Two intact chicken eggs were also recovered from the
privy, as well as evidence for chicks and juveniles. Unfortunately, the
predominance of chicken in this assemblage created difficulties for
assessments of diet. Chicken is obviously over-represented. To compensate
for this, relative frequencies of species were calculated first with chicken
included in the assemblage and then with it excluded. Of interest is the fact
that-whether one includes or excludes chicken-the Papy assemblage had the
highest relative frequency of birds. The minimum assessment for wild birds
in the deposit resulted in an MNI of 13: 3 ducks ( Anas sp.), 3 mergansers
( Mergus sp.), 2 turkeys (Meleaeris gallopav(V). 2 rock doves ( Columba livia) . a
godwit (Limosa sp.), a willet ( Catoptophorus semip almahisV and a grackle
( Quiscalus sp.). Mergansers and godwits are seasonal birds more prevalent in
Table 9-9. Identified Skeletal Elements of Chicken ( Gallus gallus)
from the Papy Assemblage
Frontal frag 35
Mandible joint 37
Mandible shaft frag 5
Quadrates (left) 21
Quadrates (right) 21
Sternum frag 1
Sternum carina 1
Vertebrae, cervical 46
Vertebrae, terminal 1
Rib shaft 9
Illium frag 1
Tibiotarsus (right) 4
Tibiotarsus (left) 4
Tarsometatarsus (right) 44
Tarsometatarsus (left) 33
Tarsometatarsus symphysis 5
Digit 2, Phalanx 1 3
Digit 2, Phalanx 2 2
Phalanges, terminal 6
Table 9-10. Identified Skeletal Elements of Other Birds
from the Papy Assemblage
Mandible shaft frag
Digit 2, Phalanx 1
Turkey Anas Mergus Columba Other
the colder months, so the fauna from Papy's household may represent
winter-time activities (see Tables 6-4 and 6-5 and data on Papy site in
In other repects, with chicken removed, the relative species
abundances for both MNI and biomass at this site are fairly close to those for
Bousquet and Sanchez. Papy's sample differed primarily in its predominance
of beef and wild bird.
Based solely on the incidence of wild bird in assemblages, the faunal
assemblage most similar to the Papy household was that of fellow Minorcans
the Seguis. The size of the sample from the Segui site was small (MNI=60) so
that interpretations must be tentative. But the sample did include evidence
for duck (Anas sp.), merganser ( Mergus sp.), coot ( Fulica americana) , turkey
( Meleagris gallopavo) , and dowitcher ( Limnodromus sp.). From the same
deposit, excavators recovered a musket butt-plate, and a trigger guard and side
plate for a pistol. This suggests that some role for hunting in provisioning
It should be noted that while mullet ( Mugil sp.) was a species known to
Minorcans in the Old World and traditionally associated with their fishing
catchment in St. Augustine, it does not appear to have been a particular
marker of diet among the Minorcans in the sample. It was a major
component of the Triay assemblage, but that assemblage consisted almost
entirely of fish. In the other assemblages, mullet was also the most abundant
species of fish-accounting for between 15 and 30 percent of the MNI. The
only exception was that of the Bousquet assemblage, where it was the second
most abundant after catfish.
Of more interest is the relative importance of wild bird in the two well-
to-do Minorcan assemblages. As was noted in the previous chapter, hunting
of game bird, including small birds and migrating water fowl, was important
enough on Minorca to draw comment from many observers (Armstrong
1756; Cleghorn 1779; Chamberlain 1927). It appears to be a practice that carried
over to Florida. Species of wild bird composed about 10 percent of the MNI in
the Segui assemblage and 13 percent in the Papy assemblage. In comparison,
wild birds accounted for less than 4 percent of MNI in the Sanchez, Bousquet,
and Ximenez-Fatio assemblages. The relative abundance of wild bird in the
Minorcan assemblages was also higher than in St. Augustine assemblages in
general. For the sixteenth, seventeenth, and early eighteenth century, wild
birds accounted, on average, for 63 percent, 4 2 percent, and 6-2 percent, of
MNI, respectively (Reitz 1992b: 84).
The species in the Papy assemblage included several shorebirds, which
written accounts say were hunted both in Minorca and New Smyrna
(Cleghorn 1779; Griffin 1990). According to Geghom, some of the other
species represented— turkey, duck, and coot— were commonly bred or hunted
on Minorca tor the tables of the wealthy (1779: 32-33). The same source listed
other common game as ring doves, partridges, curlews, quails, blackbirds, teal,
widgeons, water hens, kingfishers, and rock pigeons. Written accounts note
that Minorcans also hunted shore birds in New Smyrna.
The higher percentages of wild bird in the Segui and Papy assemblages
possibly mark a difference between Minorcan and Spanish foodways that was
culturally-derived. Seasonality cannot be ruled out as a factor, but most of the
birds which differentiated the Minorcan and Spanish assemblages were
available year-round near St. Augustine Wild bird was apparently a delicacv
on Minorca in the eighteenth century and continues to be a seasonal specialtv
of Mediterranean cuisine today. Note, for example, the following account bv
May Theilgaard Watts, concerning the hunting of small game birds in Siena,
All the rest of the market was offering small brown thrushlike birds in
simple wooden cages. The customers were men, working men who
paid out their money with hard hands. We sought an explantation
from a young English-speaking Italian woman. She told us, "It is the
hunting season. All Italian men are going hunting. . . . Those men
you see . cannot afford to lease a place (to hunt J. They hunt the
small birds. They cook a pot full of them and eat the whole bird,
sucking out the skulls and smacking their lips. Thev hang the caged'
birds in the woods; other birds come and are shot. (Watts 1971: 85)
A similar observation about Minorca is contained in Frederick
Chamberlain's The Balearics and Their People (1927): "Until the advent of
the Directory in Spain, every sort of bird was slaughtered ruthlessly at any
time of the year, and by any means-guns, traps, nets, etc.— and bunches of tiny
warblers, robins, and finches were sold in the markets."
The evidence from St. Augustine suggests that it was year-round and
migratory waterfowl, rather than small birds, that were the focus of hunting.
However, the parallelism with historical accounts deserves note and should
prompt additional research as more Minorcan sites are excavated.
In other respects, the Segui household followed a subsistence strategy
similar to that of the two Spanish households. Pork was a prized and
preferred meat among both Minorcans and Spaniards and accounts for about
10 percent of estimated biomass in the assemblages of Segui, Bousquet, and
Sanchez. This seems to fall between the range for mid-level criollo and upper
status households of the First Spanish Period (see Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:
176). The Segui faunal assemblage had the highest measurements for
diversity and equitability and used the most wild game, including small
mammals and alligator. Yet beef, pork, and various species of fish still seem
to have been a main component of diet.
Faunal data would seem to suggest a striking continuation of
traditional Minorcan diet in the case of the Triay household and notable
similarities between some aspects of foodways at the Segui and Papy
households and documented practices on Minorca. Unfortunately it was not
possible to compare vegetable and animal components of the diet. But the
assemblage from the Triay household certainly evokes Cleghorn's
observations that on Minorca "scarce a fifth of their whole diet is furnished
from the animal kingdom; and of this fish makes up the most considerable
portion" (1779: 35). This diet no doubt was a product of Juan Triay's
combined circumstances as a Minorcan, a farmer, a fisherman, and someone
whose income was limited. Taken as a whole, the assemblage from the
British and Spanish Period Triay household agreed in most points with
characteristic subsistence habits and foodways associated with Minorcans.
These points included: fish and fishing as an important basis for subsistence
and foods such as fish, shell fish, and garden vegetables, described in
ethnohistoric accounts as ingredients for Minorcan stew, and supported by
archaeological evidence from the site.
The more affluent Segui and Papy households did not conform closely
to the pattern evident at the Triay site and faunal data point to more than one
factor influencing foodways. Interpretations of diet at the Papy household
must be tenuous because of the high incidence of chicken. With chicken
excluded, the assemblage resembles those of colonists in the Papys' same
economic strata, with a heavy reliance on beef, pork, and fish. Yet the
predominant characteristic of the assemblage was the evidence for raising
poultry and wild birds~a practice noted as typical among Minorcans in
Minorca and New Smyrna: "Their domestic fowls," recorded Cleghorn, "are
turkeys, geese, ducks, cocks and hens in great numbers" (1779: 31). It is the
relative frequency of wild birds in the Segui and Papy assemblages which
seem to differentiate these two households from those of the Spaniards in the
sample. There is also a correlation between the exploitation of birds and
Minorcan cultural practices. The inclusion of shorebirds in both the Segui
and Papy assemblages recalls hunting practices at New Smyrna, and the
consumption of wild bird accords with the elite status associated with such
fare on Minorca.
The abundance of domestic and wild fowl in the Papy assemblage made
its comparison with the Spanish sites difficult. Tentatively, it is only possible
to say that it seems to have shared with these sites a reliance on beef, pork and
fish. Certainly this was true for the Segui household. The Bousquet,
Sanchez, and Segui assemblages all displayed some similarity with the elite
Spanish households of earlier eras. They had the highest diversity of fauna.
About 60 percent of biomass was beef; pork, although secondary, was
relatively common. The other principal contributer to diet was fish, although
species varied considerably by site. Diversity may have been affected by the
fact that these were the largest households. More persuasive, however, is that
faunal data tended to corroborate data from material culture presented in the
last chapter. The wealthy Minorcan family of the Seguis seems to have
maintained a subsistence base that was a mix of Minorcan and Spanish mores
in diet and included prestige foods from both traditions.
This chapter marks the end of our visit to late colonial St. Augustine.
But more importantly it marks the beginning of the integrated use of
documents and archaeology to explore this period in Spanish colonial history
in Florida. An attempt has been made, in this study, to summarize and
synthesize the work of dozens of researchers and to add to their database the
results of new analysis. Yet for every document cited there are thousands on
microfilm which have not even been read, and for every site analyzed there
are hundreds yet to be investigated. Even so, the goals established at the
outset of the journey have been reached and we leave it to other travelers
with new itineraries to make additional excursions.
This study began by asking a straightforward question: Was the
material world of Minorcans and Spaniards in St. Augustine more similar
within ethnic groups or within socioeconomic strata? The answer seems to
depend on what classes of material culture are considered. A strength of the
methodology employed here was that it compared two definable groups and
based that comparision on several categories of material culture. Perhaps the
most salient point to emerge from the present analysis is the complex
relationship between material culture and peoples' social affiliations.
No database is perfect and the data accumulated for this study,
although extensive, still leave gaps in our picture of the past. The analysis of
lifeways in Second Spanish Period St. Augustine must remain incomplete,
for instance, as long as we lack data on the wealthiest Minorcans. Based on
the data on hand, however, it would seem that the life of "average"
Minorcans in eighteenth-century St. Augustine did differ significantly from
that of the Spanish civilian population.
The analyses of material culture in this study thus seem to justify two
conclusions. First, material differences between Spaniards and Minorcans in
late colonial St. Augustine tended to diminish with increasing affluence. Site
ceramic assemblages and diet were, for the most part, similar within
economic strata. Second, for the less-than-affluent, the distinction between
Minorcan and Spaniard remained, and was marked by material as well as
social boundaries. Minorcans of low- to mid-level social and economic
standing exhibited a conservative adherence to Old World Minorcan diet and
costume. This conservativism was reflected, at least in part, even in the diet
of affluent Minorcans.
To put these findings in broader perspective, what do they tell us about
ethnic persistence and assimilation in the late colonial period?
At the beginning of this study, two propositions about the formation of
ethnic groups were juxtaposed. In Wallerstein's world system theory,
people's social life is molded and cast by class affiliation, and ethnic identity,
where it emerges, is a symptom of a class conflict. In Braudel's assessment of
the rise of capitalism, ethnic groups remain a basic form of social
organization-social and economic networks that function alongside or
within the larger aggregates of market systems or classes. These two
propositions have their counterparts in modern sociological theory.
Postiglione (1983: 19) has divided social theory about ethnicity in the
twentieth-century United States into five major schools o thought, which he
labelled according to their defining principles as Anglo-Conformity,. Melting
Pot, Cultural Pluralism, Emerging Culture, and Impact-Integration. The first
two emphasize the importance of assimilation in modern U.S. history,
predicating the gradual absorption of new immigrants into American cultural
and society. The last three point to the persistence of ethnic groups and
ethnicity in American society. While immigrants may conform in order to
achieve economic goals, the search for social identity in American life and the
stability offered by group affiliation ultimately lead to a commutation of
ethnic ties (Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Kallen 1924). What is often taken for
assimilation is actually a more superficial form of conformity. Thus
Femminella (1973: 62-63 [cited in Postiglione 1983: 23]) wrote: "Immigrants
. . . can legitimize their presence by social and psychological subordination
or submission. However ... no ethnic group has ever completely
submitted; this is confirmed by empirical evidence".
In the case of St. Augustine, the overall findings of this study would at
first sight appear to corroborate Wallerstein's tenet that social class, in the era
of capitalism, is more influential than ethnicity in shaping people's cultural
world. It has been suggested by Clark (1987: 385) that ethnic cohesion and the
expression of ethnicity is primarily a phenomenon associated with people of
low economic standing that becomes manifest as a reaction to oppression,
discrimination, or exclusion from more affluent groups of people. Pyszczyk
(1988, 1989), in a comparison of two ethnic groups that provided the model
for this study, also noted how differences in material culture tended to
dissappear with mobility.
Similar conclusions are supportable from results presented here. It is
data from the ceramic and faunal assemblage of the poorest Minorcan
household, the Triays, that provide the most dramatic contrast with
assemblages of Spanish sites of the colonial period. In addition, the evidence
for differences in Spanish and Minorcan costume comes primarily from
probates of individuals in the middle, rather than the upper, socioeconomic
strata. However, differences in material culture tended to dissipate with
upward social mobility. Erasure of material distinctions between Spanards
and Minorcans was characteristic of the assemblages from the two affluent
Minorcan sites. The data on ceramics was in complete agreement with
numerous other works in historical archaeology and social history. Studies of
probate records by Weatherill (1988) and Shammas (1990) and of
archaeological assemblages (see Spencer-Wood, ed. 1987) have noted that 1)
choice in ceramics strongly correlate with socioeconomic position and 2)
occupation, especially involvement in trade and retail, frequently influences
the acceptance of new fashion. These findings were based on English and
Anglo-American culture, but data from St. Augustine suggest they are
relevant to Spanish America also. Among the four most affluent sites, three
had markedly cosmopolitan assemblages which resembled one another fairly
closely, regardless of ethnic background. The remaining assemblage-from
the household of a merchant and shopkeeper-followed new fashions
prevalent in the United States with a clear attempt to assemble matching, or
nearly matching, sets of plates. The range and quality of teawares varied
directly with as assessment of socioeconomic rank.
Diet among the affluent also evinced a general uniformity. The
animal staples of beef, pork, and fish occurred in approximately the same
proportion in affluent late colonial assemblages and followed the pattern
noted for well-to-do Spanish Floridians of the early eighteenth century.
The question remains, however, whether these similarities in material
culture and diet represent assimilation as opposed to conformity. Spicer
(1961), Gordon (1964), and Kallen (1927; see Postiglione 1973: 115-116) all drew
important distinctions between these two processes. Immigrant groups, such
as the Minorcans, regularly conform in some respects to the culture of a new
home as a form of adaptation and survival. But whether this involves their
absorption by a larger society—what Gordon called structural assimilation— is
The demographic profile of Spaniards and Minorcans for late colonial
St. Augustine makes it apparent that occupational and economic differences
underlay ethnic differences. Almost 50 percent of Spanish males held
military or public positions. The majority of Minorcans on the other hand
were farmers, mariners, or artisans. The two groups were separated as much
by occupation as by differences in language, history, or culture.
Moreover, the focus of this study has been on material aspects of life. It
is important to note that while upward mobility affected the material
conditions of people's lives, there is little evidence that it had as great an
impact on social relations. The most "Hispanicized" Minorcan household in
the sample, the Seguis, continued to maintain close family and extended kin
relationships with other Minorcans in St. Augustine throughout the Second
This study has therefore pushed forward but not concluded its inquiry
into ethnic groups and class in colonial St. Augustine. It is clear, from this
case study, that the socioeconomic position of a household was a major
determinant of its material life. But it is also clear that the Minorcans, as a
group, continued to exist separately from the Spaniards, as a group, and that
the boundary between them had identifiable material correlates. It now
remains to determine whether changes in the material life of some
households signified other changes-in kinship, in economic organization, in
social relations— that occurred in late colonial society. Such an undertaking
moves far beyond what was possible within the framework of this
dissertation. What is needed in the case of colonial St. Augustine, and in
other community studies, is a network analysis of community social
relations, such as that by Rutman and Rutman (1984), coupled with an
analysis of material patterns across households. The call for such work has
long gone unanswered. In an observation that has an unintentional irony,
Andrew Greeley first observed almost twenty years ago: "One can only begin
to explain the considerable cultural diversity that exists among American
ethnic groups if one begins to investigate the natural history of such groups.
There seems to be no way in which sociologists and historians can avoid
cooperating with each other on this project" (1974: 311). It is this task to
which historians and historical archaeologists-or at least those historians and
historical archaeologists who believe in the value of social theory-should
In the spirit of interdisciplinary cooperation, this study has laid much
groundwork for future research on the late colonial period in Florida.
Integration of archival and archaeological data, which made it possible
to address the substantive goals of this research, also has helped to synthesize
information on colonial demography, trade, commodity flow, and prices.
This can be counted as a beneficial byproduct of work undertaken here and
should assist future research. St. Augustine's geographical and economic
place in the Atlantic economy and its parallels with the Spanish American
periphery, especially Cuba, provide an important framework for
understanding its late colonial history. What is currently known about the
demography and commerce of the town have been summarized and
presented in a cohesive and holistic manner. This information will be
subject to revisions but at least it will provide future researchers with a
baseline from which to proceed. Moreover, the features that both linked and
distinguished life in late colonial St. Augustine from the preceding Spanish
colonial period have been set down and will enable researchers to consider
the two discrete time periods as portions of a larger whole. Late colonial
society was indeed both old and new. Its layout, its physical environment, the
seeds of its culture, social hierarchy, and commerce stem from the period
1700-1763. Yet we see these old features pulled and reworked into a new
whole by the Atlantic world economy, the peopling of Spanish Florida, and
the changes this required.
On another level, the data presented on late colonial St. Augustine also
form part of a comparative database on late colonial Spanish sites in general.
It is either fortuitous or else a sign of increased interest in late colonial times
that several other studies of the Spanish American periphery have been
published within the past few years. What emerges from this research is an
appreciation for the tremendous impact that expanded trade had on the
Spanish American periphery. For instance, Costello (1992), in an analysis of
trade at the California missions in the first decade of the nineteenth century,
found that Spanish and Yankee traders played an analogous role to that noted
for Havana and Charleston in the case of Florida. Although there was some
overlap in goods shipped from Spanish and Yankee ports to the missions, the
following came exclusively from Spanish sources: iron pots and kettles;
chocolate; farming equipment; horse tack and gear; hats, shawls, and
decorative braid for clothing; medicine; spice and condiments; glass beads;
musical instruments; snuff and cigars; fireworks; and paper and paint
pigments (Costello 1992: 63). From Yankee smuggling came tablewares,
cotton and silk stockings; pen knives, butcher knives, and bone handled
knives; razors; lead shot, powder, powder horns, and gun hammers; irons;
buttons; and other small items. Espinosa (1970), in a study of Spanish female
attire noted in probates from New Mexico 1704-1831, observed that traditional
Spanish costume continued to be worn until the advent of the railroad.
"With the railroad," she concluded, "came even more overpowering changes
in the dress of New Mexican women. Lace mantillas were out-numbered by
cotton bonnets and the guardainfante was replaced by the bustle" (1970: 7).
Other studies of late colonial Spanish American ports provide
additional evidence for the effects of the Atlantic economy on late colonial
culture. The close trade connections and personal networks that tied together
Havana, St. Augustine, Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York
had their counterparts elsewhere.
Puerto Rico provides a intereting comparative case for St. Augustine.
Restrictions against trade with the Dutch were relaxed in 1785 and but it was
only in 1815 that a cedula opened trade to any ports with a Spanish consul
(Joseph and Byrne 1992: 50). A study of the relationship between ceramic
assemblages and socioeconomic position in San Juan during the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth century bears out the importance of
commodity flow on regional manifestations of material patterning.
Earthenwares of non-Hispanic manufacture were of considerably less
importance than in St. Augustine, composing at most about 55 percent of
assemblages (Joseph and Byrne 1992: 54). The assemblages at upper class
households in San Juan seem to conform to the general pattern noted at First
Spanish Period early eighteenth century assemblages in St. Augustine. The
most common wares were non-Hispanic, followed by locally made pottery in
the Spanish tradition. Only about 5 percent of assemblages consisted of
Hispanic-wares produced outside of Puerto Rico. However, Hispanic
earthenware, local and non-local, made up about 80 percent of the
assemblages of households in middle and lower socioeconomic positions in
San Juan. In St. Augustine, of course, assemblages from these strata consisted
entirely of British- and American-made products. Majolicas and Spanish
utilitarian wares made up less than 7 percent of assemblages even at the
affluent Spanish households of Sanchez and Bousquet. These data suggest
that San Juan was better insulated against imports and that British goods were
a mark of status. In St. Augustine the opposite was true; it was Spanish- and
Mexican-made earthenwares that were difficult to obtain and these occur
exclusively in the assemblages of the prosperous.
In Mexico, or New Spain, the effects of the Atlantic economy were later
in coming but nonetheless apparent toward the end of the colonial period.
Kicza (1983), in his in-depth study of commerce and commercial networks in
Mexico City during the Bourbon period, outlined the ties of marriage, wealth,
and hidalguia which united the ruling elite. Traditional estates and ethnic
statuses were breaking down under the influence of new wealth. Through
intermarriage of Creole and peninsular Spaniards, the great merchant families
operated extensive kin-networks, with relatives and in-laws at key ports or in
key positions in both Spain and the New World. Yet as early as 1753, Spanish
colonists were already spread through all walks of life. In Mexico City, as in
eighteenth-century Oaxaca as reported by Chance and Taylor (1977) and in
Guadalajara as reported by Anderson (1988), the twin criteria of noble lifestyle
and noble occupation dictated status and governed upward and downward
mobility. "The mere fact of being a store owner or a master craftsman-that is,
ownership of nonresidential property or possession of a remunerative skill-
was often sufficient to elevate someone into the ranks of those the society
regarded as Spanish . . . Nor were the Spanish, whether creole or
peninsular, able to enjoy high-status and well-paying employment by the
mere fact of their ethnicity" (Kicza 1983: 14).
By the 1790s foreign commercial houses were attempting to infiltrate
Vera Cruz and Mexico City as they had Havana. "Neutral trade from 1797 on
revived Vera Cruz, but it promoted abuse by local and foreign merchant
houses, official corruption, and dependence on foreigners. . . . Soon Vera
Cruz merchants as well as seom from the interior established ties with
mercantile houses in Baltimore, Charleston, Philadelphia, Boston, and New
York. Mexican merchants named agents and representatives in those port
towns and served as agents for American firms and as fronts for North
Americans acquiring property" (Jimenez Codinach 1991: 155). Increasingly,
too, there was a non-Spanish immigrant business community in Mexico City,
as in other major ports. The study of this sector of the population was to
compose Kicza's second volume on trade in the Bourbon period, but
unfortunately the volume has not been written.
Another by-product of research that was unfortunately not possible to
include here was the price list generated for commodities in late colonial St.
Augustine. Gasco (1992) has recently published a compilation of pricing
information for basic commodities from the province of Soconusco, Mexico,
from the late seventeenth through the eighteenth centuries. It is through the
continued accumulation of such data that Spanish American archaeology will
gain the sort of price indexes which have proven so useful in the archaeology
of colonial British America.
In other respects, this study has brought to a fruitful conclusion most of
the methodological and philosophical goals set out in the introduction.
The value of using multiple sources of data and multiple categories of
material culture, recommended by Pyszczyk (1989) in his archaeological study
of ethnicity, should be clear. Had this dissertation relied only on
zooarchaeology, or ceramic analyses, or a study of probate records, its depth
and interpretative scope would have been vastly diminished.
The community study approach, which was used with such success in
the investigation of St. Augustine's First Spanish Period, has again proven its
utility in examination of the late colonial period. This work proffers
additional testimony that community study ought to be applied much more
extensively as an approach in historical archaeology than has hitherto been
the case. In the face of a continued onslaught from the post-processualist
school in historical archaeology, who offer little but diatribe against methods
based in materialism, scientific method, and quantification, this study stands
as a rebuttal.
In the simple application of methods, this work has also made some
ancillary contributions. It has demonstrated the efficacy of using Miller's
emic classification of earthenwares as a research tool in a Spanish American
setting. The use of cluster analysis and regression made possible an
interpretation of data that would have been difficult to accomplish through
subjective assessment of site assemblages and provided a method for
comparing assemblages that can be reused in future. Analysis of faunal data
demonstrated that the methods employed by Elizabeth Wing, Elizabeth Reitz,
and and other zooarchaeologists for earlier time periods in Spanish Florida
are equally useful and appropriate for study of late colonial subsistence.
The final measure of a worthwhile journey, however, is how much it
inspires others to follow the same road. Bit by bit, we have seen
archaeologists return to the productive pursuit of community study during
recent years. If this work can add momentum to such a trend, then whatever
its other flaws or virtues, the author will have considered it a success.
Table A-l. Books in the library of Miguel Yznardy, translator for Spanish
Florida, from his 1803 probate inventory
Title or Subject
in the Reign of King George III
Nine Essays on Navagation and Pilotage,
one volume in French by el Don Douquen
A French-Italian grammar, one volume
The Art of Cooking, in Engish, one volume
The Modern Piper, one volume, in English
The History of Insects (fourth volume) in English
A Spanish-English dictionary in one volume, by Johnson
& a Spanish-English grammar in one volume
A French-English dictionary by Chasubeau
& a French-English grammar
Father Kempis, one volume in English
Method for Swimming in one volume by Mitchels
Imperial Dictionary of Four Languages
La Curia Filipica, on volume, old
The Annual Register of 1758, one volume in English
Dictionary of ??? in one volume in English
Las Cartas de la Condesa de Chesterfield
(second and fourth volumes)
Las Cartas de la Condesa de Chesterfield
One dictionary of misspellings in English
One volume of Las cartas de Escots
One volume titled Crimenes y castigos
One volume, Royal Cooking, in French
One volume, Medicinal Chemistry, in French
One volume, Moral Reflections [ Maximas l,
by La Rochefoucauld, in French
One volume, The Tragedy of Charles II, in French
One book on sailing, in English
One book, Criminal Process, old,
by Roberto Francisa Damien, in French
Second volume in English of Adventures of Telemacus
One volume of the Acts of Parliament
Table A-l, cont.
Title or Subject
A book in English about the salvation of men
One volume, Christian Discipline, in English
One volume, Devotions, in English
A French-German dictionary
Second volume of The History of Animals, in English
La Dittia, in English, one volume lacking the beginning
One volume, Roman History, in English
One book, Principles and Customs of the Times, in English
Manual of Spiritual Practices, in English
Baptismal Doctrine of the Guacones, in English
Reflections on Man, one volume, in English
Fourth volume of English Pilots on Navegation
Total 45 4
Table A-2. Books from the library of Juan Jose Bousquet
colonial surgeon, from his 1815 probate inventory
Title or Subject
The Encyclopaedia, in French, 18 volumes
A book on medicine in English, en partes
Another of the same, Caxton edition
A book by George Baker, in English
Another, Elements of Medicine, in English
An old dictionary in English and French
Another, portable, in Engish
Two volumes, Practice of [???], in English
Another volume, old, Imitation of Christ
Another, en partes, [not decipherable]
Another, same form, Treatise
Another, same form, Opera Universal, in Latin
Another, same form, New Dispensation
Another, same form, old, Essays
Another, same form, Decalogue
Another, same form, Caxton's Physical
Another, same form, Pergamino bibliasacra
Another, same form, old, Ejercicio de virtudes
En partes, Cirugia moderna
Another, en cuarto. Decalogue
Another, same form, Elementos de medicina
Another, same form, Lectura de materias
Two more, same form, the first and
second volumes, Materias medicas
One volume, en partes, Observaciones epidemicales
Two more, en partes. Travels [???1
Another, same form, Historia natural
Another, same form, Imitarion de Cristo
Another, same form, Tabla anatomica
Seven volumes, en cuarto, Practica de medicina
Six volumes, en partes, Lecturas academicas
One volume, en cuarto. dictionary of French and Latin
Another, same form, on surgery
Another, same form, Instrucciones medicinales. in Latin
Another, same form, old, [indecipherable] in Latin
One more, same form, Home Medicine, in English
One more, old, Sureical Operation, in French
One more, History of Plants, in French [?]
One more, old, en partes. Fundamentals de medicina
One more, same form, Moral Reflections, in English
A dictionary of English and Spanish
Table A-3. Books from the library of Colonel Jose Maria de la Torre
Commander of the Cuban Infantry Battalion,
from his 1807 probate inventory
Title or Subject
Ordinances, three volumes
Compendium of the works of Buffon
Don Quixote in six volumes
Principles of Geography by Lopez, two volumes
La Matilde in three volumes
Diccionario militar, one volume
French and English vocabulario, one volume
Breldfeld erudicion completa, four volumes
Commentaries of Tulius Caesar, two volumes
Sheridan's English dictionary, two volumes
Nociones militares, one volume
Map of the Kingdom of Spain
Table A-4. Books from the library of Enrique White,
Governor of Spanish East Florida,
from his 1811 probate inventory
Title or Subject
Two volumes in English titled
American Gazeteer by Jebidiah Morse
One volume in English, Ellicotts Tournal
A magazine, eight volumes
One volume in English, The New Annual Register
Infantry Tactics, one volume, in French 3
Colon juzgado militar, four volumes 10
The Life of lose Balsamo, in French, one volume 1
Dictionary of Spanish, French, and Latin,
by M. de Sefournant, two volumes
Boyer's dictionary of French and English, two volumes
One volume in English, General Atlas
Two volumes in English, The World of Peter Pindar
Ceremonies of the Coronation of France,
in English, one volume
Tactics, in French, two volumes
Measurement of Ireland, in English, one volume
National Recreations, in English, two volumes
The New Mercantile System, in English, one volume
Diversionary Tactics, in French, one volume
Port Chaise Companion, one volume
Tourney to the United States, by William Prist,
in English, one volume
Three volumes of military ordinances
One volume, Triple Almanac of England. Ireland ,
Letter to Toseph Priestley, in English, one volume
A memorial about the United States and Louisiana,
in English, one volume
Sketches, one volume
Epistolas familiares del obispo de Mondonedo,
The New Testament, in English, one volume
Oraciones y meditacionas para la misa.
in Spanish, one volume
Exposition on the Revolution of Liege,
in French, one volume
Table A-4, cont.
Title or Subject
The Annual Register, in English, one volume
Military Knowledge, in French, one volume
A Spanish and English grammar
Dictionary of English by Johnson
Memorias historicas para servir a la
Revolucion de Francia. one volume
Atlas of Geography, in English, one volume
Geographic Measurement of Spain and Portu gal.
in English, one volume
History o f the Roman Emperors, in French, two volumes
The House of Stuart, in French,
five volumes lacking the first
Military dictionary, in French, three volumes
Memoirs of Gui Toly. in English, two volumes
Elements of Fortification, in French, one volume
Several dramas in French, one volume
A plan of the city of Paris
Another of the city of London
First Principles of the Marquis de Fourier .
in French, three volumes lacking the first
Mercury, in English, one volume
Tournal of the year 1798. in English, volume five
A dictionary of the Spanish language
OCCUPATIONS IN ST. AUGUSTINE
Government Employees in St. Augustine, 1784
Yearly salary (pesos)
Director of the
Jose Antonio de Yguihez
Keeper of the
Francisco Antonio Entrealbo
Manuel Fernandez Biendicho
Manuel Fernandez y
Pedro de Salas
Luciano de Herrera
Juan San Salvador
Juan de Flores
Source: Lockey 1949: 202-204.
Other Governmental and Military Employees, 1784-1795
Yearly salary (pesos)
Mariano de la Rocque
Manuel de los Reyes
Ignacio Pefialver y Calvo
Pedro Jose Salcedo
Secretary to Gov.
Hiberian Regiment Guillermo O'Kelly
Colonial Translator Miguel Yznardy
Parish Priests Fr. Thomas Hasset
Fr. Miguel O'Reilly
Source: Tanner 1989
na= not available
tthlv salary (pesos)
Juan Manuel Sezantes
Bernard La Madrid
Juan Jose Bousquet
Ramon de Fuentes
Carlos de Fuentes
Jose Vincente Ibahez
Juan Francisco Pereyra
Fernando de la Maza Arredondo
Francisco Xavier Perez
Juan Jacinto Herrera
Pedro la Antigua
Juan Antonion Alfonso
Source: Lockey 1949: 198-199
Distribution of Occupations Among Minorcans
Source: (Griffin 1991: 152).
Some Occupations Listed by Free Blacks in the 1780s
Source: Landers 1988: 70
Listed Occupations of French and Irish Settlers, 1790-1804
Total 100 Total
Source: EFP, Loyalty Oaths, Bundle 350, 1790-1804
PRICES FOR VESSEL FORMS IN ST. AUGUSTINE
Blancos ordinarios /Plain commongrade tableware
Prices in reales per vessel
Form 1805 1806 1807 1807 1807 1817 1819
•7 .5 .3 .5
plato de entrada
sopera sin tapa
Source: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar;1807 probates of Andres Ximenez, John
McQueen, Jose Maria de la Torre, and Ambrose Hull;1817 probate of Gaspar
Papy; 1819 probate inventory of store for Matias Martinez
Orillas azules o verdes /Edged wares
Form 1805 1807 1817 1820
Plato .5 .7 .5 .5
plato chico .3
fuente 2.1 4.0
Source: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar; 1807 probate of Jose Maria de la Torre;
1817 probate of Gaspar Papy; 1820 probate of Margarita Frean
tazas y platillos
tazas y platillos
1807 1807 1815
Sources: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar;1806 probate of Andres Ximenez;1807
probates of Juan McQueen, Jose Maria de la Torre, and Ambrose Hull; 1815
probate of Juan Jose Bousquet; 1820 probate of Margarita Freana
Chamberpots and washbasins
jarrito para leche
jarro chico con pico
jarro chico sin pico
jarro (1 /2 quart size)
Jugs and pitchers
Source: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar; 1806 probate of Andres Ximenez;1807
probates of Jose Maria de la Torre and Ambrose Hull;
1815 probate of Juan Jose Bousquet; 1820 probate of Margarita Frean
jarro de barro
jarro de loza
jarro chico de loza
botija de barro
tinaja de barroS.O
tinaja de Espaha
botija (3 galones)
Sources: 1807 claim by Josefa Menesis against Boix Buenaventura- 1807
probate of Juan McQueen and Jose Maria de la Torre; 1817 probates of Caspar
Papy and Jose Fontanet v
STATISTICS FOR CERAMIC ANALYSIS
oo h ri K d 'ooitso
co cn cn
lo ■<* CO r- i
vfl O r ii— I r- < r- < OO 00 LO
CO t— I I— I t— I
LO r- 1 t-< CO t-H
li->Or-ir-<Or-<OinOLn t-H O
lO T-H T-<
CO i— " t-h
c r 3 , c -h
O Ji rt X! T3
*;• ^2 O CO d)
FIT OF SEGUI AND SANCHEZ TO BOUSQUET ASSEMBLAGE
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Bousquet assemblage
N: 11 MULTIPLE R: .983 SQUARED MULTIPLE R:
ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .934
STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 3.84303
Variable Coefficient Std error Std coefficient Tolerance T
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE F-RATIO P
FACTORS EXPLAINING MEMBERSHIP IN TEA WARE CLUSTER
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Affiliation by teaware cluster
N: 6 MULTIPLE R: .999 SQUARED MULTIPLE R-
ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .989
STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 0. 1 7073
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE F-RATIO
STEPWISE REGRESSION WITH ALPHA-TO-ENTER= 015
AND ALPHA-TO-REMOVE= .015
STEP= 1 ENTER RANK R= .917 RSQUARE= .840
THE SUBSET MODEL INCLUDES THE FOLLOWLNG PREDICTORS:
USE THESE PREDICTORS IN A NEW MODEL SENTENCE TO ESTIMATE
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Affiliation by teaware cluster
N: 6 MULTIPLE R: .917 SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .840
ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .800
STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 0.73030
Variable Coefficient Std error Std coefficient Tolerance T P(2 tail)
Constant -0.13333 0.67987 0.00000
Rank 0.80000 0.17457 0.91652
1.00000 4.58258 0.01016
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE F-RATIO P
TEST OF VARIABLES EXPLAINING CERAMIC DATA
DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Cluster membership based on rim data
N: 6 MULTIPLE R: .868 SQUARED MULTIPLE R: 753
ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .000
STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 0.90709
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE
PEARSON CORRELATION MATRIX FOR RIM COUNTS
Bousquet Usina Sanchez Triay Papy Segui
BARTLETT CHI-SQUARE STATISTIC: 93.635 DF= 15 PROB= 0.000
MATRIX OF PROBABILITIES
Bousquet Usina Sanchez Triay Papy Segui
NUMBER OF OBSERVATIONS: 11
BRAINERD-ROBINSON COEFFIENTS FOR RIM COUNTS
Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay
MNI AND BIOMASS DATA FOR ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSEMBLAGES
Scientific and Common Names Used in Species Lists
Old World rat
Black or roof rat
Domestic and feral pig
Pigeons and doves
Pigeon or dove
cf. Gopherus polyphemus.
Possible gopher tortoise
Frog or toad
Pig or leopard frog
Jacks and pompanos
Pompano or mojarra
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Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing
First and Second Spanish Period Faunal Categories
Based on Mean Biomass of Six Sites from Table 9.2
X 2 = 2.27. Value of X 2 at 4 degrees of freedom must be > 9.48773.
The differences in mean values for faunal categories from the two
periods are not statistically significant.
Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.2 and
the de Mesa, Acosta, and de Leon data from Reitz and
Cumbaa (1983: 175).
Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing
First and Second Spanish Period Faunal Categories
Based on Mean Biomass of Five Sites from Table 9.2
Domestic Wild Wild
Animals Terrestrial Birds
Aquatic Fish and
Reptiles Sharks Totals
X 2 = 4.85. Value of X 2 at 4 degrees of freedom must be > 9.48773.
The differences in mean values for faunal categories from the two
periods are not statistically significant.
Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.2 and
the de Leon and Contreras data from Reitz and Cumbaa
Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing
Pig, Deer, and Cow in Assemblages
Based on Mean Biomass of Wealthy Second Spanish
and First Spanish Sites
X 2 = 4.0. Value of X 2 at 2 degrees of freedom must be > 10.5966.
The differences in the relative frequency of mean biomass values is not
Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.4 and
the de Leon and Contreras data from Table 9.6 and Reitz
and Curnbaa (1983: 176).
Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing
Pig, Deer, and Cow in Assemblages
Based on Mean Biomass of Second Spanish Period Sites
and Mid-level Criollo Sites from the First Spanish Period
Sites Pig Deer Cow Totals
Mean 21.2 4.6 61.3 87.1
Predicted (12.87) (4.36) (69.8)
Mean 5.3 4.4 82.3 91.9
Predicted (13.6) (4.6) (73.7)
Totals 26.5 7.0 143.6 179.0
X 2 = 12.55. Value of X 2 at 2 degrees of freedom must be > 10.5966.
The differences in the relative frequency of mean biomass values is
statistically significant at X 2 Q05-
Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.4 and
the de Mesa and Acosta data from Table 9.6 and Reitz and
Cumbaa (1983: 176).
ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROVENIENCES USED IN THIS STUDY
ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROVENIENCES USED IN THIS STUDY
100N 97E Area W
100N 82E F6 Top
100N 82E F6 Fill
97N 88E F10 Ext.
97N 88E Pit M
97N 88E Pit R
97N 67E Pit M
97N 67E Pit H
97N 67E Area X
92.5N 68E Pit D
92.5N 68E Pit H
92.5N 68E Pit E
92.5N 68E Pit K
92.5N 68E Pit L
92.5N 68E Area G
92.5N 68E Pit M
92.5N 68E Pit S
92.5N 68E Pit Q
92.5N 68E F16 LI
Large Trash Pit
92.5N 68E F17
Large Trash Pit
92.5N 68E Area A-2
97N 65.5E Pit I
97N 65.5 Pit 2
97N 65.5E Pit 3
95.5N 68E F14 LI
Large Trash Pit
97N 65.5E Pit 4
92.5N 68E F18 L2
92.5N 68E F14 L2
92.5N 68E F16 12
92.5N 68E F14 L3
92.5N 68E F18 L4
94N 63E Pit 5
92.5N 65E F14 L4
92.5N 68E Pit B-2
94N 63E Pit 2
92.5N 68E F20 LI
92.5N 68E F18 LI
92.5N 68E F16 L3
94N 63E Pit 12
94N 63E Pit 13
Room 110 TR1 Pit 2
Room 110 TR1 Pit 4
TP C F48 LI
TP C F48 L6
TP C F48 LI
TP C F48 L2
TP C F48 L3
TP C F48 L4-5
TR A Sec 3 F54 LI
TR A Sec 3 F54 L2
TR A Sec 3 F54 L2
TR A Sec 3 F54 L4
TR A Sec 3 F54 L5
TR A Sec 3 F54 L6
TR A Sec 3 F54 L7
TR A Sec 3 F54 L8
TR A Sec 3 F54 L9
TR A Sec 3 F54
40N 90E F38
40N 90E F37
40N 90E F37 (F29)
40N 90E F37
Unit 1 F2
Unit 1 L6
Unit 1 F4
Unit 1 F6 LI
Unit 1 F4 in F6
Unit 1 F6
Unit 1 F4 base
Unit 2 F2
Large Trash Pit
Large Trash Pit
TP A F3 L2
Large Trash Pit
Large Trash Pit
TP A Area 13 in F3
Large Trash Pit
TP A (F3)
Large Trash Pit
TP A Area 15/16
Large Trash Pit
TP A (F3)
Large Trash Pit
TP A (F3)
Large Trash Pit
TP A (F3) base
Large Trash Pit
TP A (F3)
Large Trash Pit
TP A Area 17
Large Trash Pit
TP A F3-B LI
Large Trash Pit
TP E Area 28 LI
Large Trash Pit
TP E Area 28
Large Trash Pit
TP C Area 29 LI
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens A LI
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens B LI
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens A L2
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 (Area 28)
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens B L2
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens A LI
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens B base
Large Trash Pit
TP C F3 Lens A/B
Large Trash Pit
TP E F3 Lens A L2
Large Trash Pit
TP C F3 Lens B LI
Large Trash Pit
TP C F3 Lens B L2
Large Trash Pit
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 3 Areas I,
Unit 3 Area 9
Unit 3 Fl
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 3 Area 17
Unit 3 Area 9
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 F14
Unit 3 Areas 1,
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 3 Area 5
Unit 7 Fl
Unit 7 F2
Unit 7 Area 2
Unit 8 F4
Unit 8 F4
Unit 8 F4
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James Gregory Cusick was born in North Plainfield, N.J., and grew up
in New Jersey, Colorado, and Florida. He received a B.S. in journalism from
Northwestern University in 1981, spent some years in publishing and free-
lance writing in Chicago, and then became interested in archaeology.
He entered the graduate program in anthropology at the University of
Florida in 1985, where he worked on numerous projects directed by Kathleen
Deagan, including Fountain of Youth and Fort Mose in St. Augustine, Puerto
Real and En Bas Saline in Haiti, and La Isabela in the Domincan Republic.
His master's thesis, a ceramic analysis of pottery from the contact-period
Taino site of En Bas Saline, was completed in 1989, under the direction of Dr.
Deagan, and doctoral work on the late Spanish colonial period in St.
Augustine began that same year, also under Dr. Deagan's direction.
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor' of Philosophy.
Kathleen A. Deagan, Chairperson
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Docto/o£ Philosophy.
raid T. Milanich
^rofessor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Docto/of Philosophy.
Murdo J Ivfa^Heod
Graduate Research Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the-degree of Doctor of Philosophy
aduate Research Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Elizabeth S. Wing O
Professor of Anthroplogy
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the
Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and
to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Dean, Graduate School
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262 08556 7104